
aass. 
Book 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



LIFE OF 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

COTSXHAHnyiiTL IN CHinr 

OF THE 

American Uvm^, 

THROUGH THE REVOLUTIONAEY WAR ; 

AND THE 

FIRST PRESIDENT 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES. 



BY AARON BANCROFT, D. D. 

PASTOR OF A CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN WORCESTl 



TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. 



BOSTON: 

PHILLIPS & SAMPSON, 

110 Washington Street. 

1847, 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1847, by 
PHILLIPS & SAMPSON, 

In tbe Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of 

Massachusetts. 



PREFACE. 



The following publication origicated in the author's 
wish to place within reach of the great body of his 
countrymen, an authentick biography of General 
WASHINGTON. 

Judge Marshall, in his valuable life of this illustri- 
ous patriot, has embraced not only the settlement and 
general history of the North American Colonies; but 
also the political history of the United States. His 
work is therefore necessarily too expensive to be ob- 
tained by all classes of American people. The writer 
of these memoirs apprehended, that by publishing the 
life of WASHINGTON in a compressed form, he 
should enable those of his fellow citizens, who are not 
in possession of Marshall, to leave to their posterity a 
memorial of a man, who was pre-eminently distin- 
guished as a Soldier and Statesman. 

General WASHINGTON was from his youth de- 
voted to his country, his character therefore cannot bo 
portrayed, without bringing into view many important 
publick transactions. The plan of the writer has been 
to notice no individual or event, further than was ne- 
cessary to display the principal character. 



iv PREFACE. 

He has made Judge Marshall his leading authority 
for facts, and has in some measure folloAved him in the 
order of events. The histories of the war by Doctors 
Ramsay anc Gordon, and several original writings have 
been consulted ; but he trusts, that greater liberty haa 
not been taken with any of them than is fair and ho- 
nourable. The few facts, which have not before been 
published, were received immediately from confiden- 
tial friends of General WASHINGTON, or from 
gentlemen who, in respectable official situations, were 
members of his family during his military command. 

It has been the endeavour of the author to display 
the character of the man who is the subject of the 
work, by exhibiting in a connected view his actions 
and his writings ; and he has, as far as possible, made 
this exhibition in the person of General WASHING- 
TON. 

He has not conceived that he was writmg for men 
of erudition, but for the unlettered portion of the com- 
munity ; and he has for their benefit more particularly 
studied simplicity of style. Should he be so happy aa 
to obtain their approbation, he will receive an ample 
reward of his labour. 

He entertains no expcctatioM of acquiring literary 
fame by this publication ; but he hopes to escape tbs 
disgrace of having written a useless book. 



CONTENTS* 



CHAPTER I. 

His Birth — Education — Appointed an Adjutant G©« 
neral of the Militia — His Embassy to the Ohio — 
Commiseioned as Lieutenant Colonel of a regular 
Regiment — Surprises a detachment of French 
troops — Capitulation of Fort Necessity — Ho is ap- 
pointed a volunteer Aid de Camp to General Brad- 
dock — His bravery in the action in which that Gene 
ral fell — He is appointed the Colonel of a regiment, 
and Commander in Chief of the Virginia troops — 
His efforts to defend the frontiers — His exertions in 
the expedition under General Forbes to gain pos- 
session of Fort du Quesne — Resigns his commis- 
sion -- Page 11 

1* 



6 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER II. 
Colonel Washington's Marriage — His Management 
of the Estate of Mount Vernon — Appointed a Judge 
of the County Court, and a member of the Virginia 
Legislature — Chosen a member of the first Congress 
—Appointed Commander in Chief of the American 
Forces — Arrives at Camp — Arranges the Army — 
Deficiency of Arms and Ammunition — Colonel Ar- 
nold detached to Quebec-Success of American Cruis- 
ers — Evils of temporary Enlistments — An Attack 
on the Enemy's Posts meditated — Possession taken 
of the Heights of Dorchester — Boston evacuated 40 

CHAPTER 111. 

General Washington marches the Army to New 
York — Fortifications of the City and River — Inde- 
pendence declared — General Howe lands on Staten 
Island — Interview between General Washington 
and Colonel Patterson — State of the British and 
Ame -ican Forces — Camp at Brooklyn — Battle on 
Long Island — Retreat from it — The City and Island 
of New-York evacuated — Manoeuvres at White 
Plains — Fort Washington taken — General Howe 
invades New-Jersey — Depression of the Americans 
—General Washington invested with new Powers 
— Success at Trenton, and at* Princeton — New-Jer 
eey recoveidd - - - - - . 66 



CONTENTS. » 

CHAPTER IV 
General Washington disposes his small force for the 
protection of New-Jersey — Army Inoculated — 
Abuse of American prisoners — The Exchange of 
General Lee refused — Stores at Peck's Kill and 
Danbury destroyed- -American Army taiies post at 
Middlebrook — Sir William Howe moves towards the 
Delaware — Returns to Staten Island and embarks 
his troops — He lands at the Head of Elk — General 
Washington marches to meet hhn — Battleof Bran- 
dy wine — Effect of a Storm — British take possession 
of Philadelphia— Mud Island and Red Bank fortified 
— Obstructions in the River — Attack on Mud Island 
— Count Donop defeated — Britisli surmount the 
Fortifications of the River — ^^Plan to attack Philadel- 
phia — Sir William Howe reconnoitres the American 
Camp at White Marsh — Tlie Army hutted at Val- 
ley Forge — The Privations of the Soldiers during 
the Winter Uy 



■ CHAPTER V. 

Progress and issue of tlie Northern Campaign — Plan 
to displace General Washington — His correspon 
dence on the subject — Letter of General Gates — Re- 
monstrance of the Legislature of Pennsylvania 
against closing the Campaign — Observations of the 



8 CONTENTS. 

Commander in Chief upon it — Sufferings of tlie Ar« 
my for the want of Provisions and Clothing — Mea- 
sures adopted by the Commander in Chief to obtain 
Supplies — Methods taken to recruit the Army — Sir 
Henry Clinton appointed Commander in Chief of 
the British Forces — He evacuates Philadelphia, and 
marches throup-h New-Jersey to New- York — Gene- 
ral Washington pursues him — BatLe of Monmouth 
— Thanks of Congress to the General ana Army — 
General Lee censured — He demands a Court Mar- 
tial, and is suspended from his command — French 
Fleet appears on the American Coast — Expedition 
against Rhode Island — It fails — Disaffection between 
the American and French Officers — Measures of the 
C!ommander in Chief to prevent the ill consequen- 
ces of it — Army goes into Winter Quarters in the 
High Lands 143 



CHAPTER VL 

Plan formed by Congress and the French IVjinister for 
the invasion of Canada and Nova Scotia — General 
Washington's objections to it — Delinquency of tho 
Unitea States to prepare for the approaching cam- 
paign — The exertions of the General — His Letter 
on the State of the Nation — Th<} Remonstrance of 
Ofncers belonging to the New- Jersey Brigade to the 
Legislature of that State — Letters of the Command- 



CONTENTS 9 

er in Chief on the Subject — Expedition against the 
Indians under General Sullivan — He destroys theii 
Towns — The American Army posted for the de- 
fence of the High Lands on the North River, and 
for the protection of the Country against the incur- 
sions of the British — Sir Henry Clinton moves up 
the Hudson, takes possession of Stony and Verplank 
Points, and fortifies them — Arrangements made for 
Assaulting these posts — General Wayne carries 
Stony Point by Storm — The Attac* upon Verplank 
fails — Congress vote their thanks to General Wash- 
ington and to the brave Troops employed in this 
service — They vote General Wayne a Medal — 
Evils of short Enlistments — Plan of the General's to 
remedy them — The Army in two Divisions erect huts 
for winter quarters, one near West Point, and the oth- 
er at Morristown in New- Jersey — The troops suffer 
through the scarcity of Provisions — Colonel Wads- 
worth resigns his Office — Confusion in the Commis- 
sary's department — The Commander in Cliief is ne- 
cessitated to apportion supplies of Meat and Flour 
upon the Counties of New- Jersey — The winter ex 
cessively cold, and the waters around New-York 
frozen over ; but the Commander in Chief is too 
weak to avail himself of this opportunity to Assail 
the British Posts — Expedition to Staten Island 
fails 174 



10 CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. ^ 

Amount of Emission — Congress destitute of Means to 
tjiipport the War — Supplies apportioned upon the 
States — Exertions of the Commander in Chief — 
Mutiny in a part of the Army — The British make 
an Excursion into New-Jersey — The American 
Troops bravely resist them — The Court of France 
promises a Naval and Land Armament to act in 
America — Preparation to Co-operate with it — A 
Frencli Squadron arrives on the American Coast 
— Count Rochambeau lands at Newport with five 
thousand Men — The American and French Com- 
manders meet at Hartford to settle the Plan of the 
Campaign — The Second Division of the French 
Troops fails — General Arnold becomes a Traitor- 
He Corresponds with Major Andre — Andre comes 
on Shore at West Point — Attempts to return to 
New- York by land — He is taken into Custody by 
three Militia Men — A Board of General Officers 
condemn him — He is Executed — Letter of General 
Washington on the State of the Army — Congress 
adopts a Military Establishment for the War — The 
Army goes into Winter Quarters - - - 196 



LIFE 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 



CHAPTER I. 

His Birth — Education — Appointed an Adjutant General of the 
militia — His embassy to tlie Ohio — Commissioned as Lieutenant 
Colonel of a regular regiment — Surprises a detachment of French 
troops — Capitulation of Fort Necessity — He is appointed a volun • 
teer Aid de camp to General Braddock — His bravery in the ac- 
tion in which that General fell — He is appointed the Colonel of 
a regimflnt, and commander in chief of the Virginia troops — His 
efforts to defend the frontiers — liis exertions in the expedition 
under General Forbes to gain possession of Fort du (iuesno — Re- 
signs his commission. 

George Washington was born in the county of 
Westmoreland, Virginia, on the 22(1 day of February, 
1732. He was the third son of Mr. Augustine Wash- 
ington, and the great grandson of Mr. John Washing- 
ton, a gentleman of a family of some distinction in the 
north of England, who emigrated about the year 1657, 
and took up the estate on which the subject of these 
memoirs was born. 

At the age of ten years, by the death of his father, 
he was left in the sole care of a solicitous mother. 
She gave him a private education. A grammatical 
knowledge of the English language, mathematick.s, 
geography, history, natural f».nd moral philosophy, to 
the exclusion of the learned languages, formed the 
course of his youthful studies. 

The candour and manliness of his disposition were 
early displayed among his young companions, and the 
commanding influence of his character was first dis- 
covered by his ascendency over them. 



12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1747 

The patrimonial estate of Mr. Washington was 
small. After the completion of his course with his tu- 
tor, he was engaged in useful industry ; and for several 
years of his minority, employed as a county surveyor. 
In this empIoymei4 he distinguished himself by his 
diligence, and by the neatness and accuracy of his 
plans. His experience in this business made him well 
acquainted with the worth of new lands, and aided 
him afterwards in their selection. 

The military bias of his mind was early discovered. 
The war between England and France in 1747, kindled 
in his young breast that spark, which at a subsequent 
period burst into a flame ; and at his own importunity, 
the birth of a midshipman, at the age of fifteen, was 
obtained in the British navy. His views in this in- 
stance were defeated by the anxiety of an affectionate 
mother. 

At a time when the militia was to be trained for 
actual service, at nineteen he was appointed one of 
the adjutant generals of Virginia, with the rank of 
major ; from the execution of the duties of this commis- 
sion, lionourable to his age, he was soon called to higher 
employments. 

France at this period unfolded her ambitious design 
of connecting Canada with Louisiana, and in this way 
of enclosing the British colonies in North America. 
Her officers were directed to establish a line of posts 
from the lakes to the Ohio. This tract of country, the 
English held to be within the boundaries of Virginia. 
Mr. Dinwiddie, then the Lieutenant Governor of the 
province, alarmed by encroachments, which involved 
the important interests of the British crown, conceived 
it proper officially to warn the French to desist from 
the prosecution of a scheme, deemed a violation of ex- 
isting treaties between the two countries. 

It was difficult to select a proper agent to execute 
this perilous mission. He must pass through an un- 
explored wilderness, filled by tribes of Indians ; some 



1753.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 

of which weie doubtful friends, and many the decided 
enemies of the English. The fatigues and dangers 
which induced other Virginians to decline the com- 
mission of envoy on this occasion, led Mr. Washing- 
ton with ardour to seek the appointment. 

The very day on which he received hia 

?J'^ commission he commenced his journey from 
Williamsburg. At Winchester he procured 
the necessary provisions, baggage, and horses. On the 
fourteenth of November he reached Will's Creek, the 
frontier of inhabited Virginia ; here he hired a guide 
and four other attendants, to accompany him over the 
Alleghany mountains ; the passage of which was now 
attended with difficulty and hazard. The weather be- 
came incessantly stormy, and the snow deep ; and he 
was unable to arrive at Turtle Creek, on the mouth of 
the Monongahela, before the 22d. Here he was in- 
formed of the death of the French General, and found 
that his troops had retired to winter quarters. With 
extreme fatigue he pursued his journey ; surveyed the 
country with the judgment of a soldier, and selected 
the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany rivers, as 
a place highly expedient for the English to possess and 
fortify. On this site the French soon after erected 
Fort du Quesne, which, when the British General 
Forbes gained the possession, he called Fort Pitt. 

In this place he spent a few days to conciliate the 
affections of the Indians of the vicinity. Some of their 
chiefs, whose fidelity he took the wisest measures to 
secure, he engaged as guides, with them, ascended the 
Alleghany river, and at the mouth of French Creek 
found the first French post. Proceeding up the creek 
to another fort, he met Monsieur le Gardeur de St. 
Pierre, the commanding officer on the Ohio, and to 
him he delivered Governor Dinwiddle's letter. With- 
in three or four days he received an official answer to 
his communication, and immediately left the place on 
his return j but the snow being excessively deep, and 
2 



14 LIFE OF WASPIINGTON. [1753 

his horses growing weak from fatigue, he became im 
patient at the slowness of his progress. Leaving there 
fore his horses with necessary directions, in the carff 
of his attendants, he and his guide wrapped themselves 
in watch coats, took his important papers, and the ne- 
cessary provisions in their packs, and with their guns 
in their hands, prosecuted the journey on foot the 
nearest way through the v/oods. The next day, De- 
cember 26, as ho passed a place called the Murdering 
town, he fell in with a party of French Indians, which 
lay in wait for him ; one of them not fifteen steps dis- 
tant fired, but without eflfect. This Indian the Major 
took into custody and detained him till nine o clock in 
the evening, then dismissed him, and continued his 
march through the night, that lie might be beyond the 
reach of pursuit, should the Indians in the morning fol- 
low his track. The second day he reached the river 
two miles above tho Shannapis, expecting to find it 
frozen over ; but the ice extended only fifty yards from 
the shore ; though quantities of it were driving in the 
channel. A raft was their only means of passing, and 
they had but one poor hatchet with which to make it. 
It cost them a hard day's work to form the raft ; the 
next day they launched it, went on board, and attempt- 
ed the passage ; but before they were half way over 
they were enclosed by masses of ice, and threatened 
with immediate destruction. Mr. Washington put 
down his setting pole to stop the raft, that the ice 
miffht pass by, but the rapidity of the current crowded 
the ice with such force against the pole, that it threw 
him out in ten feet water. But fortunately he saved 
himself by seizing one of the raft logs. With their ut- 
most efforts they were unable to reacn either shore, but 
with difficulty they landed on an island. The cold was 
so severe, that Mr. Gist the guide had hts hands and 
feet frozen. The ne.vt morning, without hazard they 
passed the river on the ice, anj. were received into tho 
iodffings of Mr. Frazier, an Indian trader. Here Ma- 



1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGT-ON. 15 

jor Washington took a horse, and on the 16th of 
January, 1754, reached Williamsburg; and made report 
of hiS proceedings. 

The fatigue and danger of this embassy are not 
easily conceived by persons in the bosom of civilized 
life. " From the 1st to the 15th of December," sa^a 
Major Washington, " there was but one day in which 
it did not rain or snow incessantly, and through the 
whole journey there was but one continued series of 
cold, wet weather." The journal composed for the 
perusal of Governor Dinwiddie, was published, and 
the enterprise, judgment, and perseverance displayed 
in the execution of this service, exalted Mr. Washing 
TON in publick opinion; and gave his country an earnest 
of his future services. 

The embassy to the Ohio, not having induced the 
French to withdraw from that country, the assembly 
of Virginia adopted measures to maintain the claims 
of the British crown. They empowered the executive 
of the colony to raise a regiment to consist of three 
hundred men. Mr. Fry, a gentleman acquainted with 
the western country, was appointed to command it, 
and the commission of Lieut. Colonel was given to 
Major Washington. Enterprising and patriotick. Col. 
Washington requested and obtained permission to 
march first, early in April, 1754, with two companies 
to the Great Meadows. The reasons which led him 
to this measure, were to be early in active service, to 
learn the designs of the enemy, to afford protection to 
the Englisn settlements, to cultivate the friendship o/ 
the Indians, and to acquire a knowledge of the coun- 
try, which promised to be the scene of military opera 
tions. Scarcely had he taken possession of his ground, 
when some friendly Indians informed him that the 
French had driven away a working party, sent by the 
Ohio company to erect a fort on the southeastern 
branch of the Ohio, and were themselves building a 
fortress on the very gi ")und, which lie hs d recommend- 



16 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754 

ed to the Governor for a military post. They also 
^ave the intelligence, that a force was then marching 
from that place to the Great Meadows. Although hos- 
tilities had not commenced, yet it was considered that 
the French had invaded the English territory ; and 
many circumstances rendered it probable, that a force 
was approaching with hostile views. It appeared tliat 
the party had left the direct road, and had encamped 
m a valley, a few miles to the west of the Great Mea- 
dows, as a place of concealment. Colonel Washing- 
ton, under the guidance of the Indians, set out in a 
dark, rainy night, and surrounded the encampment. 
At day break his men fired, and rushed upon the 
French, who, being com.pletely surprised, surrendered 
One man only made his escape, and Mr. Jumonville, 
the commander, alone was killed. 

The other companies of the regiment were, at this 
time, in march to join those in advance ; before these 
reached the camp Colonel Fry died, and the command 
devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Washington. Two 
companies of British troops, one from South-Carolina, 
and the other from New-York, also joined the regiment 
at the Great Meadows, making a force of four hun- 
dred effective men. The regular captains reluctantly 
placed themselves under tlie command of a provincial 
officer ; but pressing circumstances induced them for 
the time, to wave dispute about rank, and to act under 
the orders of Colonel Washington. 

For the security of their stores he erected a small 
stockade, and then marched towards Fort du Quesne, 
to dislodge the French. At the foot of Laurel Hill, 
thirteen miles on the. way, he was met by a number 
of friendly Indians, who informed him, that the enemy 
were hastily approacliing with a strong detachment. 
A confidential chief assured him, tliat he had seen a 
reinforcement arrive at du Quesne, which place he 
left two days before, and had learned that a body con 
sistiiiiT of eiiiht hundred French and four hundred In- 



1754.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 

dians, would immediately march to attack the English, 
The previous information of deserters from the enemy 
confirmed the Indian's report. The troops had been 
already six days without bread, and had but a small 
quantity of meat in store. The French might ap- 
proach by water carriage, within five miles of their 
present encampment ; and then pass them by a differ- 
ent route and starve them into a surrender, or fight 
them with a great superiority of numbers. 

In this critical situation Colonel Wash- 
17^4 iNGTON called a council of war. The unani- 

mous advice of which was, to return to their 
position at the Great Meadows ; because the two roads 
at that place united, and the country did not allow an 
enemy to pass them unperceived ; and at this place 
they might wait tlie arrival of a supply of provisions, 
and reinforcement of men. The Colonel approved the 
advice of his officers, and immediately carried it into 
effect. (July 2) His first care was to sink a ditch 
round the stockade, which he now named Fort Neces- 
sity; but before it was completed, the enemy attacked 
him, (July 3) under the command of Monsieur de Vii- 
uer, whose force consisted of fifteen hundred men. 
The assault was gallantly made, and bravely repelled. 
Part of the garrison fought within the fort, and part in 
the ditch, whicli was almost filled v/ith mud and water. 
Colonel Washington, during the whole action, re- 
mained without the fort, by his presence and example 
animating his men. The attack began at ten in the 
morning, and was continued without intermission as 
long as the light of day remained. Early in the even- 
ing Monsieur de Villier demanded a parley and men- 
tioned the terms of capitulation which he was willing 
to grant. These were rejected ; but in the course of 
the night, articles were agreed upon and signed. By 
these, the fort was to be surrendered, the garrison al- 
lowed the honours of war, to retain their fire arms and 
baggage, and unmolested to march to the inhabited 



18 LIFE OF V^\SHING-TON. [1754 

part of Viiglnia. The capitulation was the work of 
haste, and written in the French language, with which 
neither Colonel Washington nor any of his officers 
were acquainted, and unfortunately contained an ex- 
pression, whi^'h the translator, at the time, construed 
to Colonel Washington to imply, that Mr. Jumonville, 
in the first action was killed ; but which literally 
would bear the translation, was assassinated. In an- 
swer to a publication of Monsieur de Villier, Colonel 
Washington, soon after the event, made it fully ap- 
pear that he did not understand the import of the word ; 
but during his presidency, an enemy had the audacity 
to call him, upon the strength of this capitulation, an 
assassin* 

The killed and wounded in the Virginia regiment, 
on this occasion amounted to fifty-eight. The enemy 
were stated to have had about two hundred killed and 
wounded. 

The publick gave to this brave band, merited praise ; 
and the assembly of Virginia expressed their sense of 
the resolution and judgment displayed in the above 
action, by a vote of thanks to Colonel Washington 
and his officers, and by a donation of three hundred 
pistoles to the soldiery. 

The regiment fell back to Winchester to recruit. 
At this place, the companies from North-Carolina and 
Maryland joined the Virginia force ; the whole com- 
manded by Colonel Tnnes of North-Carolina. 

Governor Dinwiddie, with advice of council, order- 
ed the troops to march over the Alleghany mountains; 
either to drive the French from du Quesne,or to erect 
a fort in a favourable position. The forces were in 
number much inferiour to those of the enemy, and were 
totally unprovided with articles of clothing and pro- 
visions, essential to a winter's campaign. Ordera 
were also given immediately to fill up the regiment , 

* In an infamous publicalion in the Aurora, under the sig 
nature of Jasper. Dvvight. 



1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 

archoagli no money was voted for the recruiting ser- 
vice. Colonel Washington pointedly remonstrated 
against these measures ; but being adopted, did all in 
his power to carry them into eflfect. The Legislature 
soon rose, without providing effectual means for active 
service, and the troops did not march. 

During the succeeding winter, regulations from the 
war office were published in America, which provided, 
that general and field officers of provincial troops, 
when serving with general and field officers commis- 
sioned by the crown, should have no rank ; and, con- 
sequently, that senior provincial officers should be 
commanded by their juniors belonging to the regular 
troops. 

The military ambition of Colonel Washington had 
been excited by his experience, and by the applause of 
his country ; but he possessed the spirit of a soldier, 
and refusing submission to these degrading regulations, 
he indignantly resigned his commission. At the same 
time he declared, that with high satisfaction he would 
obey the commands of his country, when her service 
should be consistent with his honour. 

1755. Colonel Washington had at this time suc- 
ceeded to the estate of his eldest brother, on the Poto- 
niack, called Mount Vernon, in compliment to the 
British Admiral of that name. On this estate he re- 
solved to devote his life to agricultural and philosophick 
pursuits, a resolution that he did n.ot long retain. 

In the spring, General Braddock, who 
^f^Jt"' commanded two British regiments, and a 
few corps of Provincials, was making prepa- 
ration for an expedition to the Ohio. He invited Cclo 
tiel Washington to join his arm^ , as his volunteer Aid 
de camp. The opportunity of making a campaign 
with a gentleman of his professional knowledge and 
experience was with pleasure embraced. When the 
General, in April, left Alexandria, Colonel Washing- 
ton entered his family, and attended him to Will's 



20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755 

Creek, where fort Cumberland was now erected. 
Here the army remained until the 12th of Jxino, col- 
lecting horses, wagons, and provisions. Colonel 
Washington advised the commander in chief to use 
as far as possible, pack horses instead of wagons, on 
account of the roughness of the country. Little atten- 
tion was given to his opinion at the moment, but, after 
the commencement of the march, the measure from 
necessity was partially adopted. 

Soon after the army left Cumberland, Colonel 
Washington was attacked by a violent fever ; refusing 
to be left behind, he was carried forward in a covered 
wagon. All the difficulties arising from the state of 
the roads, which had been foreseen by Colonel Wash- 
ington, were, on the march, fully realised. General 
Braddock now advised with him on the most eligible 
measures to be adopted to secure the success of the 
expedition. He earnestly recommended, that the 
heavy artillery and baggage should be left under the 
charge of a subalter.n officer ; and, that the commander 
in chief, with the flov/er of his army, should with the 
utmost despatch advance to the Ohio, in the expecta- 
tion of possessing themselves of Fort du Quesne, be- 
fore the French garrison could be reinforced by the 
troops that wejre known to be on their way for that 
purpose. The general closed with this advice. Twelve 
hundred men were selected, a few wagons were at- 
tached to the light artillery, and necessary provisions 
were placed on pack horses. Of this body General 
Braddock himself took the command, leaving Colonel 
Dunbar to bring up the other division by slow marches. 

General Braddock with his disencumbered troops 
did not move with the expedition that accorded with 
the enterprising spirit of his American aid. In a letter 
written at the moment, he says, " I found that instead 
of pushing on with vigour, without regarding a little 
rough road, they were halting to level every mole hill, 
and to erect bridges over every brook." In four days 



1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 

they advanced only nineteen miles. The indisposition 
of Colonel Washington now became so severe, that 
his physicians declared that his life would be the sacri- 
fice of the continued fatigues of the march. The 
General therefore absolutely directed him to remain at 
Yohogany with a small guard, until Colonel Dunbar 
came up with him. Colonel Washington at length 
consented, on the promise that he should be brought 
up with the advanced corps, before its arrival at Fort 
du Quesne. The day preceding the fatal action, lie, 
in a covered wagon, rejoined the troops, and, in his 
debilitated state, entered on his duty. 

General Braddock was warned of the danger, to 

which the character of his enemy exposed him, and 

advised to employ the ranging companies of Virginia 

to scour the woods, and prevent ambuscades ; but not 

looking for an enemy capable of serious opposition, he 

without caution moved his army in small columns. 

Within seven miles of du Quesne, he was suddenly 

attacked by an invisible foe ; the assaulting 

1755. ' P^'^^y ^^ French and Indians fighting under 

cover of the thick wood and high grass, with 

which the country abounded. 

Early in the action, the Aids de camp, except Colo- 
nel Washington, were killed or disabled, and he per- 
formed the whole of the dangerous service of carrying 
the orders of the commander to his respective ofilcers. 
Of all those, who on this fatal day did duty on horso- 
Dack, he alone escaped without a wound ; although he 
had two horses shot under him, and four balls through 
his coat. Doctor Craik, the physician who attended 
nim in his last sickness, was a witness of this scene: 
" I expected," says he, '' every moment to see him 
fall. — His duty and situation exposed him to every 
danger. Nothing but the superintending care of Pro- 
vidence could have saved him from tlie fate of all 
around him." 

After an action of three hours, the troops broke, and 



22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755 

the efforts of their officers to rally them were fruitless 
Colonel Washington assisted to bring General Brad- 
dock off the field, who was mortally womided. He 
reached furt Cumberland, and there died, and was bu- 
ried, Diirintr the arducus and dangerous conflicts of 
this hour. Colonel Washington exhibited that £.elf 
possession and determined couiage, which are essen- 
tial to the officer. To his quick discernment and 
sound judgment, the preservation of the defeated troops 
was in a great measure attributed ; and had his advice 
been previously adopted, probably the disaster would 
not have happened. As soon as relieved from his at- 
tention to his unfortunate General, he v/as despatched 
to Cumberland, to provide for the retreating army. 
Colonel Dunbar being joined by them, de- 
1755 ' stroyed the stores he could not remove, and 
marched his army to Philadelphia into win- 
ter quarters. 

The British troops bad not been accustomed to In- 
dian warfare ; and, on this occasion. Col. Washing- 
ton indignantly witnessed their pusillanimity. In an 
official relation of the engagement, to the Executive 
of Virginia, he observes, " They were struck with 
such an inconceivable panick, that nothing but confu- 
sion and disobedience of orders prevailed among them. 
The officers in general behaved with incomparable 
bravery, for which they greatly suffered; there being 
upwards of sixty killed and wounded ; a large propor- 
tion of what we had. 

" The Virginia companies behaved like nien, and 
died like soldiers ; for I believe of three companies on 
the ground that day, scarcely thirty men were left 
alive. Capt. Peronny and all his officers, do.vn to a 
corporal, were killed. Capt. Poulson had almost as 
hard a fate, for only one of his escaped. In short, the 
dastardly behaviour of the regular troops, so called, 
exposed tliose who were i.nclined to do their duty to 
aliiioist certain death. And at length, in spi*e of every 



1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 

efTort to the contrary, they broke and ran as sheep be- 
fore hounds ; leaving the artillery, ammunition, pro 
visions, baggage, in short every thing, a prey to the 
enemy ; and when we endeavoured to rally them, in 
hopes of regaining the ground, and what we had left 
!ipon it, it was with as little success, as if we had at- 
tempted to stop the wild bears of the mountains, or the 
rivulets with our feet ; for they would break by in 
spite of every effort to prevent it." 

The assembly of Virginia was in session, when the 
gloomy intelligence was received, that General Brad- 
dock was defeated and slain, and that Colonel Durbar 
had left their frontiers open to the invasion of the enc 
my. They immediately voted to raise a regiment to 
consist of sixteen companies. 

The important transactions in which Colonel Wash- 
ington had been engaged, developed his character, and 
his reputation rose by every publick trust with which 
he was invested. He now received a commission ap- 
pointing him Colonel of this regiment, and Commander 
in Chief of all the forces raised, and to be raised, in 
"Virginia ; with the privilege to name his field officers. 
He could, in the existing state of the colony, engage 
in the military service of his country without an im- 
peachment of his honour, and with alacrity he accept- 
ed the appointment. 

1755. A scene now opened to Colonel Washing- 
ton, trying indeed to a Commander of liis youth and 
degree of experience, but proving an excellent school, 
in which to form the General of the revolutionary war 
With an incompetent force he was to defend a fron- 
tier of three hundred and sixty miles. The French on 
the Ohio, aided by the numerous Indians, attached to 
their interests, embraced every favourable opportunity 
to invade the northern and western borders of Virginia, 
spreading terrour and desolation in their course ; and 
having Cvompleted their work of slaughter and ruin, 
they retreated with their plunder over the Alleghany 



24 LIFE OF W.ASHINGTON. [I7oh. 

mountain, before a force could be collected to attack 
them. — Governor Dinwiddle was not himself a soldier, 
nor did he possess a mind to coinprehend the nature 
of this mode of warfare. Jealous of his prerogative, 
and obstinate in his temper, his orders were often in- 
adequate to their object, or impracticable in their na- 
ture. The military code of the colony was insuffi- 
cient, which rendered it impossible to bring the mili- 
tia into the field with the despatch necessary to repel 
an Indian invasion ; and her martial laws did not pos- 
sess vigour to prevent insubordination in officers, or 
secure discipline in the permanent troops. The colo- 
ny was at that time too poor, or too improvident, sea- 
sonably to lay up magazines for the use of her little 
army, or to keep money iu the military chest for its 
regular payment. 

Under all those embarrassments, Colonel Washing- 
ton entered on the duties of his commission. Having 
put the recruiting service in operation, he visited the 
line of posts on the frontiers, and established the best 
regulations their state admitted, to keep the petty gar- 
risons vigilant and alert. 

He had accomplished this necessary business, and 
nearly completed a journey to Williamsburg, to settle 
with the Governor the plan of operations ; and to press 
upon him, and other officers of government, the im- 
portance of Legislative interference to conciliate those 
Indians who were not already attached to the French ; 
and to adopt effectual means and regulations to sup- 
port and discipline the troops ; when information 
reached him of an eruption of the French and Indians 
on the northern border. In haste he returned to Win- 
chestei, and found the country in the utmost alarm and 
confusion. The small garrisons conceived themselves 
to be in danger in their fortresses, and were unable to 
orotect the open country. The inhabitants on the ex- 
treme frontier, instead of uniting their force for mutual 
safety, fell back and communicated their fears to more 



1756.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 

interiour places. Orders to call the militia into the 
field were unavailing ; the solicitude and exertion of 
each individual were directed to the immediate pre- 
servation of his family and property. The sufferings 
of his coui.trymen deeply wounded tlie heart of Colo- 
nel Washington. Every measure was adopted, that 
an enterprising spirit could suggest ; and all the means 
he possessed were judiciously and strenuously exerted 
for their protection ; but all were ineffectual. He was 
compelled to be the witness of the calamity of friends, 
whom he could not relieve ; and of the carnage and 
ravages of a ferocious enemy, whom he could not clnis- 
tise. Before a force from below could be collected, 
the invading foe, having glutted their appetite for 
blood, and loaded themselves with spoil, recrossed the 
mountain. 

Three years service affords little else, than a repe 
tition of scenes of a similar nature; scenes, which oc- 
casioned these settlements the utmcst horrour and dis- 
tress, and brought the fortitude and military resources 
of the Commander to a severe test ; but which, in re- 
cital, would swell this work beyond the designed 
bounds. The regiment never consisted of more than 
one thousand effective men. Colonel Washington, 
in addition to the appropriate duty of his commission, 
was obliged to ciuperintend the operations of each subor- 
dinate department, and to attend to the wants of the 
impoverished inhabitants. 

During this period, he unremittingly urged upon the 
Executive and Legislature of his Province, the inauf- 
ficiency of the mode adopted to prosecute the war. 
He earnestlv recommended offensive operations, as the 
only measure which would effectually relieve the 
Colony from tlie heavy loss of inhabitants, and from 
the expense of money yearly sustained ; and prevent 
the total depopulation of the fertile plains beyond the 
Blue Ridge. If the necessary co-operation of Great 
Britain, to enable the colony to drive the enemy from 
3 



2G LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [175C. 

the Ohio, were unattainable, which would prove a 
radical cure of the evil, he strongly recommended, 
that a regular force of two thousand men should be 
raised. By this measure he thought the militia, whose 
services were attended with incalculable expense, and 
were seldom productive of good, might be relieved 
from temporary draughts. The feelings and views of 
Col. Washington on these subjects, will fully appear 
by the following extracts from letters which he wrote 
at the time. In a despatch to the Lieutenant Govern- 
our, he thus pamts the situation of the inhabitants and 
the troops. " I see their situation, I know their dan- 
ger, and participate their sufferings, without hav- 
ing it in my power to give them further relief than 
uncertain promises. In short, I see inevitable destruc- 
tion in so clear a liglit, that, unless vigorous measures 
are taken by the Assembly, and speedy assistance sent 
from below, the poor inhabitants, now in forts, must 
unavoidably fall, while the remainder are flying before 
the barbarous foe. In fine, the melancholy situation 
of the people, the little prospect of assistance, the 
gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers in 
general, v^'liich is reflecting on me in particular, for 
suffering misconduct of such extraordinary kind, and 
the distant prospect, if any, of gaining reputation in 
the service, cause me to lament the hour that gave me 
a commission, and would induce me at any other time 
than this of imminent danger, to resign, without one 
hesitating moment, a command, from which I never 
expect to reap either honour or benefit ; but, on the 
contiary, have almost an absolute certainty of incur- 
ring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless 
families may be laid to my account here. 

" The supplicating tears of the women, and moving 
petitions of the men, melt me with such deadly sorrow, 
that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could 
offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering ene 
my, provided that would conduce to the people's ease.' 



1756] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 

The inefficiency of the militia he thus portrayed. 

" The inhabitants are so sensible of their danger if 
left to the protection of these people, (militia) that not 
a man will stay at his place. Tnis I have from their 
own mouths, and the principal inhabitants of Augusta 
county. The militia are under such bad order and dis- 
cipline, that they will come and go when and where 
they please, without regarding time, their officers, or 
the safety of the inhabitants. There should be, ac- 
cording to your honour's orders, one third of the mili- 
tia of these parts on duty, at a time ; instead of that, 
scarce one thirtieth is out. They are to be relieved 
every month, and they are a great part of that time 
marching to and from their stations ; and they will 
not wait one day longer than the limited time, whether 
relieved or not, however urgent the necessity for their 
continuance may be." 

*' I met with Col. Buchanan, Vv^ith about thirty men, 
chiefly officers, to conduct me up Jackson's river, 
along the range of forts. With this small company of 
irregulars, with v/hom order, regularity, circumspec- 
tion, and vigilance were matters of derision and con- 
tempt, we set out, and by the protection of providence, 
reached Augusta court-house in seven days, without 
meeting the enemy ; otherwise we must have been 
sacrificed by the indiscretion of these whoo})ing, lialloo- 
ing, gentleman soldiers. — This jaunt affiarded me 
g-reot opportunity of seeing the bad regulation of the 
militia, the disorderly proceedings of the garrisons, 
and the unhappy circumstances of the inhabitants. 

" We are either insensible of danger until it breaks 
upon our heads, or else through mistaken notions o^ 
economy, evade the expense until the blow is struck, 
and then run into an extreme of raising the ntilitia. 
These, after an age, as it were, is spent in assembling 
them, come up, make a noise for a time, oppress the 
inhabitants, and then return, leaving the frontiers un- 
guarded as before. TKis is still our reliance, notwith- 



28 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756 

standing former experience convinces us, if reason did 
not, that tlie French and Indians are watching the op- 
portunity when wo sliall be lulled into fatal security, 
and unprepared to resist an attack, to invade the coun- 
try, and by ravaging one part, terrify another ; that 
they retreat when our militia assemble, and repeat the 
stroke as soon as they are dispersed ; that they send 
down parties in the intermediate time, to discover our 
motions, procure intelligence, ar^d sometimes to divert 
the troops." 

The expediency of an offensive war, he supported 
by the following observations. 

" The certainty of advantage by an offensive scheme 
of action, renders it beyond any doubt, much prefera- 
ble to our defensive measures. To prove this to you, 
Sir, requires, I presume, no arguments. Our scattered 
force, so separated and dispersed in weak parties, avails 
little to stop the secret incursions of the savages. We 
can only put them to flight, or frighten them to some 
other part of the country, which answers not the end 
proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to in- 
vade their lands, and assault their towns, we should 
restrain them from coming abroad and leaving their 
families exposed. W^e then should remove tlie princi- 
pal cause, and have stronger probability of success ; 
we should be free from the many alarms, mischiefs, and 
murders tlxat now attend us ; we should inspirit the 
hearts of our few Indian friends, and gain more esteem 
with them. In short, could Pennsylvania and Mary- 
land be induced to join us in an expedition of this na- 
ture, and to petition his Excellency Lord Loudoun for a 
email train of artillery, with some engineers, we should 
then be able, in all human probability, to subdue the 
terrour of Fort du Quesne, retrieve our character with 
the Indians, and restore peace to our unhappy fron- 
tiers." 

On supposition that the assembly should persist in 
the scheme of defensive warfare, he presented to the 



1757.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 

Governour a plan for his opinion. This was to esta- 
bhsh twenty-two forts, reaching from the river Mayo to 
the Potomack, in a line of three hundred and sixty 
miles ; and which were to be garrisoned by a regular 
force, consisting of two thousand men. 

The pride of Governour Dinwiddie was offended by 
these frank communications of a gallant and inde- 
pendent officer. In uncourtly language he censured 
advice, which he could not comprehend, and reproach 
ed this officer with officiousness and neglect of duty 
Colonel Washis jton felt the reprimand as a patriot, 
the welfare of whose country ever dwelt on his heart ; 
and, like a soldier, who had an invaluable prize in his 
own reputation. In the consciousness of having made 
the highest efforts faithfully to execute the trust re- 
posed in him, he ;hus with spirit replied to the charge, 
in a letter to a friend. " Whence it arises, or why, I 
am ignorant, but my strongest representations of mat- 
ters relative to the peace of the fi-ontiers are disregarded 
as idle and frivolous ; my propositions and measures, as 
partial and selfish ; and all my sincerest endeavours 
for the service of my country, perverted to the worst 
purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain. 
To-day approved, to-morrow condemned ; left to act 
and proceed at hazard ; accountable for the conse- 
quences, and blamed without the benefit of defence 
If you can think jny situation capable of exciting the 
smallest degree of envy, or of affording the least satis- 
faction, the truth is yet hid from you, and you enter- 
tain notions very different from the reality of the case. 
However, I am determined to bear up under all these 
embarrasiments, some time longer, in the hope of bet- 
ter regulations under Lord Loudoun, to whom I lork 
for the future fate of Virginia.^' 

To the Governour himself, in answer to a communi- 
cation from him, which conveyed a censure, he wrote, 
" I must beg leave, before I conclude, to observe, in 
justification of my own conduct, that it is with pleasure 
3 * 



30 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757 

I receive reproof when reproof is due, because no per- 
son can be readier to accuse me, than I am to ac- 
knowledge an errour when 1 have committed it ; nor 
more desirous of atoning for a crime, when I am sen- 
sible of being guilty of one. But, on the other hand, 
it is with concern I remark, that my best endeavours 
lose their reward, and that my conduct, although 1 
have uniformly studied to make it as unexceptionable 
as I could, does not appear to you in a favourable 
point of light. Otherwise your Honour would not 
have accused me of loose behaviour and remissness ot 
duty, in matters, where I think I have rather exceeded 
than fallen short of it. This, I think, is evidently the 
case in speaking of Indian affairs at all, after being in- 
structed in very express terms, ' JVot to have any con- 
cern with, or management of Indian affairs.^ This 
has induced me to forbear mentioning the Indians in 
my letters to your Honour of late, and to leave the 
misunderstanding which you speak of, between Mr. 
Alkin and them, to bo related by him." 

He had been informed by letter of a report communi- 
cated to the Governonr, impeaching his veracity and 
honour. A copy of this letter he enclosed to his Ho- 
nour, earnestly requesting of him the name of the au- 
thor of this report. " 1 should tase it infinitely kind if 
your Honour would please to inform me, whether a 
report of this nature was ever made to you, and in 
that case, who was the author of it.^ 

" It is evident, from a variety of circ^imstances and 
especially from the change in your Horour "• oonv^uct 
towards me, that some person as well incn».. 1 to de- 
tract, but better skilled in the ait of detracuo"? than 
the author of the above stupid scandal, has made free 
with my character. For I cannot suppose that malice 
so absurd, so barefaced, so diametrically opposite to 
truth, to common policy, and in short to every thing 
but villany, as the above is, could impress you with so 
ill an opinion of my honour and honesty. 



1757.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 

" If it be possible that Colonel , for my belief is 

staggered, not being conscious of having given the 
least cause to any one, much less to that gentleman, 

to reflect so grossly. I say, if it be possible that 

could descend so low, as to be the propagator of this 
story, he must either be vastly ignorant of the state of 
affairs in this country at timt time, or else he must 
suppose that the whole body of inhabitants had com- 
bined with me in executing the deceitful fraud. Or, 
why did they, almost to a man, forsake their dwellings 
in the greatest terrour and confusion ? And while one 
half of them sought shelter in paltry forts of their own 
building, the others should flee to the adjacent counties 
for refuge ; numbers of them even to Carolina, from 
whence tliey have never returned ? 

" These are facts well known ; but not better known, 
than that these wretched people, while they lay pent 
up in forts, destitute of the common supports of life, 
(having, in their precipitate flight, forgotten, or were 
unable rather to secure any kind of necessaries) did 
despatch messengers, (thinking that I had not repre- 
sented their miseries in the piteous manner they de 
served) with addresses of their own to your Honour 
and the Assembly, praying relief. And did I ever 
send any alarminu account, without sending also the 
original papers, or the copies, which gave rise to it. 

*' That T have foibles, and perhaps many, I shall not 
deny. I should esteem myself, as the world also 
would, vain and empty, were I to arrogate perfection. 

" Knowledge in military matters, is to be acquired 
b}'' practice and experience only, and if I have erred, 
great allowance should be made for my errours for 
want of them, unless those errours should appear to be 
wilful ; and then I conceive it would be more gene- 
rous to charge me with my faults, and let me stand or 
fall according to evidence, than to stigmatize me be- 
hind my back. 

" \t is uncertain in what light my services may have 



32 LIFE Of WASHINGTON. [1757 

appeared to your Honour ; but this [ know, and it ia 
the highest consolation I am capable of feeling, that 
no man that ever was employed in a pubiick capacity, 
has endeavoured to discharge the trust reposed in him 
with greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's 
interest, than I have done ; but if there is any person 
living, who can say with justice, that I have offered 
any intentional wrong to the pubiick, I will cheerfully 
submit to the most ignominious punisliment that an 
injured people ought to inflict. On the other hand, it 
is hard to have my character arraigned, and my ac- 
tions condemned, without an hearing. 

'* I must therefore again beg in more plain, and in 
very earnest terms to know if- has taken the liber- 
ty of representing my conduct to your Honour, with 
such ungentlemanly freedom as the letter implies -' 
Your condescension herein will be acknowledged a 
singular favour." 

Soon after this transaction, Mr. Dinwiddle left the 
government, and Mr. Blair, tlie president of the Coun- 
cil, became, for a short time, the Executive, between 
whom and Colonel Washington perfect confidence 
and free communication existed. 

17-57. This 3'^ear Lord Loudoun succeeded to the 
civil government of Virginia, and to the chief com- 
mand of the British troops in North America. Colo- 
nel Washington obtained permission to wait upon 
him the succeeding winter; to whom he presented an 
address from his regiment, and communicated from 
himself a statement of the military situation of the 
colony. In this he pointed out the errour of the go- 
vernment in the management of the war, and particu- 
\arly in their depending on the aid of the militia ; and 
clearly stated the superiour advantages of olTensive 
operations. 

Colonel Washington was sanguine in the expecta- 
tion, that Lord Loudoun would adopt his darling scheme 
of an expedition to dispossess the French of Fort du 



1758] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 33 

Quesne ; but his Lordship having determined to di 
rect his force against Ticonderoga, he was ag^in dis 
appointed. 

At the closo of the year 1757, General Abercrombie 
was appointed to the supreme corr mand in America, 
and General Forbes commissioned as the commander 
of the middle district. To the high gratification o( 
Colonel Washingion, the conquest of du Quesne 
became a principal object. 

1758. Colonel Washington, not expecting to be 
placed on the establishment, had determined to resign 
his commission ; but he thought the expedition for this 
purpose presented a fair prospect of distinguished ser- 
vice, and he resolved to engage in it. 

He warmly recommended an early campaign ; for 
this, among other reasons, seveh hundred Indians had, 
in April, assembled at W^inchester, whose patience 
would be exhausted unless early employed ; and in 
that event, he observes, *' No words can teil how much 
they will be missed." 

He was at length ordered to collect the Virginia 
troops at Winchester, and to hold them in readiness 
for active service. At this late moment, when the du- 
ties of the field demanded his attention, he was obliged 
to make a journey to Williamsburg, to provide arm.s, 
clothing, and money for his regiment ; and to obtain 
for his soldiers, the same pay which the assembly, in 
their last session, had voted to a regiment raised for 
the present campaign. 

Early in July the Virginia forces were moved to 
Cumberland, and through the month employed in: 
opening a road from that place to Raystown Flying 
parties of the enemy greatly annoying them in their 
business, it was contemplated to send a detachment 
over the mountain, to restrain the French and Indians 
''rom this annoyance ; but Col. Washington* objectec* 
.o the measure, because the detachment would be ex 
oosed to the whole force of the enemv^ on the Ohio, 



34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [IToQ 

and must be defeated. The plan was in consequence 

given up ; and by his advice frequent scouts, consist- 
ing principally of Indians, were substituted. The pre- 
diction of Colonel Washington, respecting the body 
of Indians at Winchester, was verified ; before the 
campaign opened, their patience was exliausted, and 
the" '•etired to their lionies. 

It was confidently expected th; t the army v\'ould 
march by Braddock's road, which needed only slight 
repairs ; but on the last of this month, Col. Bouquet 
by letter, requested an interview with Colonel Wash- 
ington, to consult with him on opening a new route. 
In reply he wrote, " 1 shall most cheerfully work on 
any road, pursue any route, or enter on any service 
that the General or yourself may think me usefully 
employed in, or qualified for ; and shall never have a 
will of my own, when a duty is required of me. But 
since you desire me to speak my sentiments freely, 
permit me to observe, that after having conversed with 
all the guides, and having been informed by others ac- 
quainted with tlie country, I am convinced that a road 
to be compared with Gen. Braddock's, or, indeed, that 
will be fit for transportation, even by pack horses, can- 
not be made. I own I have no predilection for the 
route you have in contemplation for me." 

Notwithstanding every remonstrance, he found Col. 
Bouquet determined to open the new road. — That 
nothing in his power might be omitted to prevent the 
adoption of a scheme, which he thought would proba- 
bly defeat the expedition, he addressed a letter to this 
officer, with the express design that it should be laid 
before General Forbes, then indisposed ; in which he 
gave the following reasons for the preference of Brad- 
dock's road. 

When individuals of Pennsylvania and Virginia, he 
said, were about to establish a trade with the natives 
on the Ohio, they, under Indian guides, explored the 
country, and adooted the road by Will's Creek as the 



1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3.-, 

best route. This road had been opened by the Ohio 
comoany in 1753, and had been repaired in 1754 by the 
troops under his command, as far as Gist's plantation, 
beyond the Great Meadows. In 1755 it had been put 
in good order by General Braddocic, and could with 
little labour be fitted for use. This road, therefore, 
must be preferable to a new route over ground not 
more favourable. In respect to forage there could be 
no material difference. The hills on both routes were 
barren, and the valleys between them abounded with 
grass. The objection to Braddock's road, he observed, 
on account of high waters, was not founded ; he had 
himself passed with a body of men, the Yohogany, the 
most rapid stream, and the soonest filled of any on 
the road, after tliirty days of almost incessant rain. 
The Monongahela might be avoided. The defiles on 
Raystown road were as numerous as on Braddock's, 
and the saving in distance was inconsiderable. But 
the insuperable objection to the new route, he observed, 
was the time that must be expended in opening it. 
The distance was Yilile short of an hundred miles, over 
mountains, almost hnpassable, and covered with woods 
and rocks. The most that could be expected, he said, 
on this route the present season, would be to gain the 
height of land, there erect fortifications, and wait the 
return of spring. This delay must be attended with 
ruinous consequences to the colonies, which had ex- 
erted themselves beyond their strength to drive the 
French from the Ohio the present campaign. 

In the same letter, he communicated an order of 
march en Braddock's road, which would bring the 
army in sixty-four days before Fort du Quesne, with 
provisions for eighty-six days. He also wrote to Major 
Halket, Aid of Gen. Forbes, to engage his good offices 
to prevent the fatal plan. " I am just returned from a 
conference held with Col. Bouquet. I find him fixed— 
I think I may say, unalterably fixed, to lead you a new 
way to the Ohio, through a road, every inch of which 



36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l/oS. 

is to be cut at this advanced season, when we have 
scarcely thiie lefi to tread the beaten track, universally 
confessed to be the best passage through the mountain. 

" If Colonel Bouquet sneceeds in this point with the 
General, all is lost ! All is lost indeed ! Our enterprise 
ifl ruined, and we shall be stopped at the Laurel Hill 
this winter — but not to gather laurels, except of the 
kind which cover the mountains. — The southern In- 
dians will turn against us, and these colonies will be 
desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. 
These must be the consequences of a miscarriage, and 
a miscarriage the almost necessary consequence of an 
attempt to march the army by this route." 

The judgment and advice of Colonel Washington 
in this important measure were overruled, and to his 
extreme mortification, the new route of the army was 
adopted. The disappointment and gloomy prospect 
whjch he entertained, are strongly expressed in the 
following letter, written from Cumberland, to the 
Speaker of the House of Burgesses. 

" We are still encamped here, very sickly 
'"f^7r{ ' and dispirited at the prospect before us. 
That appearance of glory which we once had 
in view, even that h jpe, that laudable ambition of 
serving our country, and meriting its applause, are 
now no more ; all is dwindled into ease, slotb, and fa- 
tal inactivity. In a word, all is lost, if the v^ay.s of 
men in power, like certain Avays of providence, are not 
inscrutable. But we, who view the actions of great 
men at a distance, can only form conjectures agreeably 
to a limited perception ; and, being ignoraxt of th-o 
comprehensive schemes which may be in contempla- 
tion, might mistake ogregiously in judging of things 
from appearances, or by the lump. Yet every fool will 
have his notion3, will prattle and talk away ; and why 
may not I .'' We seem then, in my opinion, to act un- 
der the guidance of an evil genius. The conduct of 
our leader&j if not actuated by superiour orders, is 



1758.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 

tempered with something— I do not care to give a name 
to. Nothing now but a miracle can bring this cam- 
paign to a happy issue." 

Mentioning the arguments he haa brought agamst 
the new road, he proceeds, '' But I spoke all unavailing- 
ly. The road was immediately begun, and since then, 
from one to two thousand men have constantly wrought 
on it. By the last accounts I have received, they had 
cut to the foot of Laurel Hill, about thirty-five miles, 
and I suppose by this time, fifteen hundred men have 
taken post about ten miles further, at a place called 
Loyal Hanna, where our next fort is to be constructed. 
"We have certain intelligence, that the French 
strength at Fort du Quesne did not exceed eight hun- 
dred men, the 13th ultimo, including about three or 
four hundred Indians. See how our time has been 
mispent. Behold how the golden opportunity is lost, 
perhaps never more to be regained ! How is it to be 
accounted for ? Can Geneial Forbes have orders for 
this ? Impossible. Will then our injured country pass 
by such abuses ? I hope not ; rather let a full repre- 
sentation of the matter go to his Majesty ; let him 
know how grossly his glory and interests, and the pub- 
lick money have been prostituted." 

Col. Grant, with a force of eight hundred men, hav- 
ing been detached to reconnoitre the country, in the 
neighbourhood of the Ohio, was about this time de- 
feated with loss ; and himself, and Major Lewis of 
Colonel Washington's regiment, were taken prisoners 
Three companies of this regiment were on the expe- 
dition, and behaved with great bravery. Of eight 
officers belonging to these companies, on this service, 
five were killed, one wounded, and one taken prisoner 
Capt. Bullet, who had charge of the baggage, defend- 
ed it with great resolution, and did much to protect 
the defeated troops ; he fortunately came ofi' the field 
without a wound. This spirited and soldierly conduct 
the Britons acknowledged to be highly honourable to 
4 



38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758 

the troops themselves, and to the Commander, who 
trained them to the service. General Forbes compli- 
mented Colonel WASPfiNGTON on the occasion. 

Colonel Washington was at this time employed on 
the new road, in the neighbourhood of Raystown. 

General Forbes resolved that the main 
1758 ' army should move from this place ; and he 
called upon the commanding officers of regi- 
ments to lay before him a plan for its march. Colonel 
Washington presented his ; it has been preserved, 
•nd is said to display the soundness of his judgment 

Through a road almost impassable, the army at 
length reached Loyal Hanna, about ten miles from 
the foot of Laurel Hill, and forty-five from Fort Cum- 
berland. At this place Colonel Washington had pre- 
dicted the expedition would terminate. In a Council 
of War it was actually resolved to be unadviseable to 
proceed further this Autumn. To have wintered in 
this inhospitable wilderness would, perhaps, have been 
impossible ; but before any disposition of the army was 
made, intelhgence was brought by soma prisoners, that 
the garrison of Fort du Quesne had not been support- 
ed from Canada ; that the Indians bad deserted it ; 
and, that it was not in a situation to make resistance. 
This intelligence induced General Forbes to change 
his resolution, and lo push on to the Ohio. Cobnel 
Washington was ordered to the front to superintend 
opening the road for the army ; which duty he, with 
extreme fatigue, executed. In slow and laborious 
marches, General Forbes reached du Quesno, 
^°^lo^' and found that the French, on the evening 
preceding his arrival, had set fire to this fort, 
and had passed in their boats down the river. 

The success of the campaign was wholly to be at- 
tributed to the pressure of the English on Canada, 
which constrained the French Commander in chief to 
call in, or weaken his outposts •, but for this circum- 
stance, the gloomy predictions of Colonel Washingtov 



WiS-l LIFE OF WASHINGTON 39 

would have been verified, in the failure of the expedi- 
tion. 

The Fort being repaired, was called Fort Pitt, in 
compliment to the preeminent British Minister, under 
whose auspices the war was now conducted. 

Colonel Washington furnished two hundred men 
of his regiment to the garrison, and soon after return 
ed to Williamsburg to take his seat in the House of 
Burgesses, of which, in his absence he had been chosen 
a member. 

His services, while commander of the Virginia 
forces, were appreciated by his countrymen ; and the 
British officers with whom he served, bore honourable 
testimony to his military talents. The soldierly and 
gallant behaviour of his regiment in the field, exhibit- 
ed the best evidence of the address of their commander, 
in training them to exact discipline, find exciting in 
them a martial spirit. His officers expressed the great 
affection and respect, w^hich they entertained for his 
character, by an unanimous address, presented to him 
at the close of this campaign ; and the inhabitants of 
the frontiers placed full confidence in him, even at a 
time when he was unable to defend them fi'om the 
slaughter and devastation of the enemy. 

Colonel Washington now saw the great object at 
tained, to which for years he had directed his whole 
mind. The enemy was driven from the Ohio, and his 
country, in a great measure, relieved from the carnage 
and distress of an Indian war. His health was impair- 
ed by the arduous services of the campaign ; and his 
private concerns demanded his attention. He there- 
fore resigned his military commission, and retired to 
the tranquil scenes of domestick lif*» 



10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759, 



CHAPTER II. 

Colonel Wash in-jt oil's Marriage — His management of t ho Estate of 
Mount Vernon — Appointed a Judge of the County Court, and a 
Member of tUe Virginia Legislature — Chosen a Member of the 
first Congress — Appointed Commander in Chief of the American 

• Force." — Arrives at Camji — Arranges the Armj' — Deficiency of 
Arms and Ammunition — Colonel Arroli! detached to Ciueljeck — 
Success of American Cruisers — Evils of temporary enlistments — 
An attack on tlie Knemy's Posts meditated — Possession taken of 
the Heights of Dorchester — Boston evacuated. 

1759. Soon after the resignation of his mihtary 
commission, Colonel Washington married Mrs. Pvlar- 
tha Custis, a young and beautiful widow, who possessed 
an ample fortune, and who was endowed with those 
amiable and pleasing accomplishments of mind and 
manners, which give the best security for happiness in 
the married state. With her he lived in all the con- 
fidence, endearment, and felicity Avhich this relation 
can produce. 

On his estate of Mount Vernon, he extensively en- 
gaged in the business of agriculture, and was greatly 
distinguished for the judgment he displayed in the im- 
nrovement of his lands. Every branch of business 
was conducted upo : system, exact method and econo- 
my were observed throughout every department of his 
household, the accounts of his overseers he weekly 
inspected, the divisions of his farm were numbered, 
the expense of cultivation, and the produce of each lot 
were regularly registered ; and, at one view he could 
determine the profit or loss of any crop, and ascertain 
the respective advantages of particular modes of hus- 
bandry. He became one of the greatest landholders 
in North America. Besides other great and valuable 
tracts, his Mount Vernon estate consisted of nine thou- 
sand acres, all under his own management. On which, 
in one year, he raised seven thousand bushels of wheat. 



1759— 74.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 

and ten thousand of Indian corn. His domestick and 
farming establishments were composed of nearly a 
thousand persons ; and the woollen and linen cloth 
necessarj' for their use, was chiefly manufactured on 
the estate.* 

Order and industry were carried into all his con- 
cerns. The authority he exercised over his slaves wag 
bleftded with great tenderness and humanity, and theii 
affection and gratitude ensured a prompt and cheerful 
obedience to his commands. Mount Vernon was evei 
the seat of hospitality, and here its rights were liberal 
ly exercised. Colonel Washington, although exacf 
in requiring the punctual fulfilment of contracts and 
engagements, yet was diffusive in offices of humanity, 
and deeds of charity to those of his vicinity who need- 
ed his assistance. 

From the close of the war on the frontiers of Vir- 
ginia, to the commencement of the revolutionary 
contest, Colonel Washington acted as a Judge of a 
County Court, and represented his district in the 
House of Burgesses of his Province. Although never 
distinguished as a popular speaker, yet the sound- 
ness of his judgment, the wisdom of his counsels, 
and the uniform propriety of his behaviour, secured 
him the confidence and esteem of all who were ac- 
quainted with his character. 

While a Legislator of Virginia, he took an active 
part in opposition to the principle assumed by the 
British Parliament, to tax the American colonies. 
When it became expedient to train the militia for the 
defence of those rights, which the country determined 
never to sacrifice, the independent companies in the 
Northern part of Virginia cliose him their Commander. 

He was elected a member of the first Congress, 
which met in Philadelphia in 1774 ; in which body he 
had a distinguished agency in the arrangement of the 

* See " Legacies of Wa.shino on " prinJed at Trenton 
in ISOO. 

4* 



42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

military resources of the United Provinces. He was 
the active member of all Committees, to which busi- 
ness of this nature was entrusted. 
, _ At the commencement of hostihties, Con- 

JUNE 15, 1 J •♦ 4 • 4 >■ 

1775 gress deemed it necessary to appoint a Com- 
mander in Chief of the American forces. 
The eminent character of Colonel Washincton point- 
«d him out as the best qualified to unite the confidence 
of the publick, and successfully to conduct the ardu- 
ous conflicts of the war. Congress unanimously elect- 
ed him " General and Commander in Chief of the 
United Colonies, and of all the forces now raised, and 
to be raised by them." When the President of Con- 
gress communicated his election, he thus addressed him. 

" Mr. President, although I am truly sensible of the 
high honour done me in this appointment, yet I feel 
great distress from a consciousness that my abilities 
and military experience may not be equal to the ex- 
tensive trust. However, as the Congress desire it, I 
will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every 
power I possess in their service, and for the support of 
the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most 
cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their 
approbation. 

" But lest some unlucky event should happen, un- 
favourable to my reputation, I beg it may be remem- 
bered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day 
declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think my- 
self equal to the command I am honoured with. I beg 
leave. Sir, to assure the Congress, that, as no pecunia- 
ry consideration could have tempted me to accept tliis 
arduous employment, at the expense of my domestick 
ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit 
from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. 
These, I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is a,ll 
I desire." 

Congress, when his commission was executed, 
unanimously and solemnly resolved, to support him 



1775.] LirE OF WASHINGTON. 43 

with their lives and fortunes, as the general of their 
army, in defence of the country. General Washing- 
ton instantly prepared to enter upon the eventful du- 
ties of his command. The difficulties which he was 
to encounter, will clearly appear from a slight view of 
the state of the country, and ofthe condition of the army. 

As a means to repel the encroachments of the Bri- 
tish Parliament, the American merchants had generally 
entered into resolutions, not to import articles of mer- 
chandise from Great Britain ; and at the commence- 
ment of the war, the country was, in a great degree, 
destitute of ammunition, and of everj' material necessa 
ry to clothe an army, and furnish the men with tents. 
There were no considerable magazines of provisions, 
and few tools suitable for the work of fortification 
The men who composed the army were raised by dif 
ferent States, on short enlistments, and on different 
establishments ; and they carried into the camp, the 
feelings and habits formed by their respective pursuits 
in private life. They were animated by the love of 
liberty, and possessed the resolution and bravery of 
hardy yeomanry ; but they could not easily be brought 
to submit to the rigid rules of military subordination 
and discipline. The authority of Congress and of dif- 
ferent Colonies was blended in all the arrangements of 
the army. These causes occasioned numerous and com- 
plicated embarrassments to the Commander in Chief. 

The appointment of General Washington was uni- 
versally approved. On his journey to head quarters, 
he met \\ *th the most respectful attention, and receiv- 
ed the fullest assurances of assistance and support. 
He was escorted by companies of volunteers ; and, at 
Springfield, a hundred miles from Boston, a Commit- 
tee of the Congress of Massachusetts met, and attend- 
ed him to Cambridge. 

On his arrival that body presented him an 

^}^J.y, ' address, in which they expressed tlieir entire 

satisfaction with his appointment, and pledged 



44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775 

the most effectual co-operation with his measures, in 
their power. His ansv/er was well calculated to in- 
crease the attachment to his person, and the confidence 
in his talents, which the publick already entertained. 

" Gentlemen, your kind cong-ratulations on ray ap- 
pointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknow- 
ledgments, and will ever be retained in grateful re- 
membrance. In exchanging the enjoyment of domea- 
tick life, for the duties of my present honourable, but 
arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue and pub- 
lick spirit of the whole Province of Massachusetts, 
which, witli a firmness and patriotism without an ex- 
ample, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and po- 
litical life, in support of tlie riglits of mankind, and the 
welfare of our common country. My highest ambition 
is to be the happy instrument of uindicating these 
rights, and to see this devoted Province again restored 
to peace, liberty, and safety." 

The British army, at this time, commanded by Gene- 
ral Gage, was strongly posted in three divisions; on 
Bunker's Hill, a mile from the ferry of Cliarles's River, 
on Cop's Hill in Boston, and on Roxbury neck. These 
fortified posts secured the isthmus of Boston, and that 
of Charlestown, the only avenues by land into those 
towns. Floating batteries and armed ships, stationed 
in the waters whicli surround Boston, supported the 
positions of the Britisli, and kept open the communica- 
tion between them. 

The American army was posted at Roxbury, Cam 
bridge, and on Winter and Prospect Plills, in front of 
Bunker's Hill. These positions formed a crescent of 
twelve miles in extent After reconnoitring the situa- 
tion of the enemy, and examining the state of his own 
army, the General attempted a better organization of 
the troops. He formed them into three divisions ; the 
division at Roxbury formed the right wing of the 
army, and was commanded by General Ward; the 
division on Prospect and Winter Kills composed the 



1775.] LIJTE OF WASHINGTON. 45 

/eft wing, and was commanded by General Lee ; and 
the troops at Cambridge formed the centre, and were 
commanded by General Washington in person. The 
forces were deemed incompetent to defend this extend- 
ed camp, but the situation of the country did not fa 
vour a more compact arrangement ; nor could the 
neighbouring country be otherwise defended from the 
depredations of the enemy. 

These positions were secured by lines and forts ; 
and a few companies of men were posted in the towns 
around Boston Bay, most exposed to annoyance by 
British armed vessels. 

General Washington found himself embarrassed by 
the total want of system in every departm.ent of the 
army. In the execution of the duties of his com- 
mission, it becarye necessary to open a correspond- 
ence, not only with the Continental Congress, and 
with most of the Governments of the Colonies, but 
also with tlie Committees of all those towns which 
furnished supplies for the army. In a letter to Con- 
gress on this subject, he observes, 

" I should be extremely deficient of gratitude, as 
well as justice, if I did not take the first opportunity 
to acknowledge the readiness and attention which the 
Congress, and the difierent Committees have shown, 
to make every thing as convenient and agreeable as 
possible ; but there is a vital and inherent principle of 
delay, incompatible with military service, in transact- 
ing business through such various and different chan- 
nels. I esteem it my duty, therefore, to represent the 
inconvenience that must unavoidably ensue from a de- 
pendence on a number of persons for supplies, and 
submit it to the consideration of Congress, whether the 
publick service will not be the best promoted by ap- 
pointing a Commissary General for the purpose." 

An inquiry into the state of the magazine of powder 
was among the first cares of General Washington, 
and three hundred and three barrels in store v/as the 



46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

return made to him. Soon after he discovered, that 
this return embraced the whole quantity brought into 
camp, witliuut deducting wliat had been expended ; 
and tliat there remained on hand only sufficient to 
{'urnish the army witli nine cartridges a man. While 
the greatest caution was used to keep this alarming 
fact a secret, the utmost exertions were employed to 
obtain a supply of this article of absolute necessity in 
war. Application was made to all the Colonies, and 
■measures were adopted, to import powder into the 
country. The immediate danger was soon removed 
by an arrival of a small quantity sent from Elizabeth- 
town, in New-Jersey. Under the perplexities which 
arose from the defect of arms, the want of clothing 
and magazines, from the want of engineers, and from 
the confused state of the staff department, the mind of 
General Washington was, in some measure, cheered 
by a view of the men who composed his troops. " It 
requires," says he, in a letter to the President of Con- 
gress, " no military skill to judge of the difficulty of 
introducing proper discipline and subordination into an 
army, while we have the enemy in view, and are daily 
in expectation of an attack ; but it is of so much im- 
portance, that every effort will be made that time and 
circumstances will admit. In the mean time, I have 
a sincere pleasure in observing that there are materials 
for a good army ; a great number of able bodied men, 
active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable 
courage." The details of the departments of the Pay- 
master, Quartermaster, and Commissary, fell upon 
General Washington, and he urged Congress to 
fill them. Being himself authorised to make the ap- 
pointments, he called to his assistance the general 
staff, which is necessary for the regular support and 
expeditious movements of an army ; and assiduously 
prosecuted plans to organize and discipline his troops. 
General Gage had, at his disposal, a force consist 
ing of eight thousand men, and, by the aid of his 



1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 

shipping, he was enabled to dir'^ct it to any point of 
the extended lines of the Americans, whose army did 
not amount to more than fourteen thousand and five 
hundred men. General Washington was fully ap- 
prized of his danger, and early summoned the Gene- 
ral officers to deliberate upon the expediency of at- 
tempting to support their present position, or of taking 
one in their rear more compact. The council with 
unanimity advised to remain in their present lines. 
The reasons in support of this opinion were, the imme- 
diate effect which a retrograde movement would have 
to animate the British, and to depress the American 
troops; the unfavourable impression that would be 
made upon tlu publick mind ; the devastation of the 
fertile country, that must be opened to t)ie enemy, and 
the difficulty of finding a strong position in the rear. 
As a precautionary measure, it was determined that 
they would not take possession of the heights of Dor- 
chester, nor oppose the attempt of General Gage to 
gain them. In case of an attack and defeat, the 
heights in Cambridge,* and the rear of the lines in 
Roxbury, were appointed as places of rendezvous. 
The enemy was watched with vigilant attention ; and 
any movements which threatened a distant invasion, 
were communicated to Congress, and to the Execu- 
tives of the Provinces particularly exposed. 

The enemy had been taugiit respect for the Ameri- 
can army by the battle of Bunker's Hill, and their 
plans, from that period through the year, were direct- 
ed to self defence. With little interruption, both ar- 
mies were employed in strengthening their respective 
lines and p'^sts. The few skirmishes which took place 
between small parties neither in their nature nor their 
consequences merit notice. 

The mere defence of lines did not satisfy the enter- 
prizing and patriotick mind of General Washington. 
** Judge MarshaiJ denominates those heights, "' Welch 
Mountains." This name is not known in their vicinity. 



48 LIFE OF WASHIiSGTON. [177L 

With extreme anxiety he noticed the expense of the 
campaign, without possessing the means of diminish- 
ing it 

He Knew that his country was destitute of revenue, 
and apprehended that her resources must soon be ex- 
hausted. In a few months the army of course would 
be disbanded, and the enUstment of another he con- 
ceived to be extremely difficult, if practicable ; power- 
ful reinforcements to the enemy were, in the Spring, 
to be expected from England ; and he thought it 
d( ubtful, whether proportionate strength could be col- 
lected in the Colonies to meet them in the field. He 
conceived it, therefore, of vast importance to the 
American cause to subdue the army in Boston, before 
it could be reinforced. An event of this magnitude 
would unite and animate the Colonies, and convince 
Great Britain, that America was determined in her 
opposition to the measures of Parliament. Under 
these impressions he often reconnoitred the enemy, and 
collected information of their numbers and strength 
from every possible source. The attempt to dislodge 
the British he well knew would be attended with ex- 
treme hazard , but it was his opinion, that the proba- 
bility of ultimate success, and the great advantages ac- 
cruing from it, warranted the effort. In a letter to the 
General Officers, he stated the questions, to which he 
desirad them to direct their close attention ; and after 
sufficient time had been given for dehberation, he 
called them into council to determine, whether an 
attack on Boston should be made. The result was 
an unanimous opinion, " that for the present, at least, 
the attempt ought not to be made." To ;ontinue the 
blockade, and to strengthen their lines, was all that 
remained in their power. 

Although the Commander in Chief acquiesced in 
the decision of the Council, j'et it was evident, from 
his letter to Congress, that he himself felt inclined to 
risk the attack. Probably this inclination was in- 



75.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49 

creased by the wishes of Congress, previously com- 
rnunicatod to him. 

Thescarcity of fresh provisions in Boston induced the 
enemy to send small parties to collect the stock along 
the shores of the continent, within protecting distance 
of their armed vessels. This imposed a heavy bur 
den upon the towns on the seaboard, in the defence of 
their property ; and tlie Governours of several of 
the Colonies were frequent and importunate in their 
request to General Washington to detach forces from 
his array for their protection. He was embarrassed 
by repeated requisitions of this nature. To make the 
required detachments, would expose the main army to 
inevitable destruction ; and to deny the requests, would 
occasion dissatisfactions, wliich endangered a cause 
that could be supported only by publick opinion. To 
relieve him from this embarrassment, Congress passed 
a resolution, " That the army before Boston was de- 
signed only to oppose the enemy in that place, and 
ought not to be weakened by detachments for the s(? 
curity of other parts of the country." 

General Washington early gave an example of the 
humane manner in which he determined to conduct 
the war. l^y the representations of individuals from 
Nova Scotia, Congress was led to suppose that a smal2 
force from the American army, aided by those inhabit- 
ants of that Province who were in the American in- 
terest, might surprise a British garrison at Fort Cum- 
berland; at the head of the Bay of Fundy, and possess 
themselves of valuable military stores, if not retaui 
the country ; the measure was, therefore, recommend- 
ed by that body to their General. On examination he 
found that tha stores were of no magnitude, and that 
the expedition would expose the friends of America in 
that Province to inevitable ruin, from the p' osecutions 
of their own Government, and he discountenanced the 
scheme. The attempt was, however, eventually made 
by a few indiscreet individuals, but it failed, and in 

Vol. I. 5 



BO LIFE OF WASHhNGTOJS [1775 

volvcti ttic inhabitants of Nova Scotia, \\ho engaged 
in it, in the predicted niln. 

Sonic of the American cruisers, acting without pub- 
lick orders, brought three of the principal inhabitants 
of tlie Island of St. John into General Washingto.n's 
cainp ; he treated them with the greatest tenderness, 
and permitted them immediately to return to their 
distressed families. 

In the course of the Autumn, gradual approaches 
were made towards the British posts. The army be- 
ing strengthened by the arrival of Morgan's Riflemen 
from Virginia, and a number of regiments from Con- 
necticut and Rhode-Island, General Washington de- 
tached Colonel Arnold, with a thousand men, 
.£'^_ ' by the rivers Kenncbeck and St. Francis, to 
co-operate with General Montgomery in Cana- 
da ; and, if possible, to surprise Quebeck, the capital 
of that Province. Arnold, and about six hundred of 
his men, actuated by unconquerable resolution, with 
inconceivable fatigue reached Qucbcck. The situa- 
tion of the garrison corresponded with the presump- 
tions on which the expedition was founded ; but a 
number of circumstances, not open to human foresight, 
nor controllable by human prudence, rendered it un- 
successful. 

Through the season, the highest endeavours of the 
Commander in Chief were exerted to procure arras 
and ammunition for his trof>ps, and partial success at 
tended the measures adopted in every part of the 
union to accomplish this important purpose. A suc- 
cessful voyage was also made to Africa, and every 
pound of gunpowder for sale in the Biitish factories 
on tliat coast was obtained in exchange for New- 
England rum. Capt. Manly, in the privateer Lee, 
captured a British ordnance ship, laden with mihtary 
stores, so completely adapted to the wants of the 
American army, that had Congress made out an in- 
voice, a better ussortment could not have been pro- 



1775.] LIFE or WASHINGTON. 51 

cured. Considerations respecting the re-enlistment 
of the army lay witli immense weight on the mind of 
General Washington, and he repeatedly invited the 
attention of Congress to this subject. In September, 
Congress appointed a Committee of their own bcay 
to repair to Head Quarters, to consult with the Com- 
mander in Chief, and the Executives of the New-Eng- 
land Provinces, " on the most effectual method of con- 
tinuing, supporting, and regulating a Continental ar 
my." The result of their deliberation was, that the 
new army should consist of twenty thousand three 
hundred and seventy-two men ; but unhappily, the 
men were to be enlisted only for one year. The evils 
resulting from short enlistments were severely felt at 
the close of the next campaign, even to the utmost 
hazard of the uidependence of the country. 

Various causes operated to lead Congress to the al- 
most fatal plan of temporary military establishments. 
Among the most important of these, was a prospect of 
accommodation with the parent state. Want of ex- 
perience in the management of war upon an extensive 
scale was another. The revolutionary conflict placed 
the people of America in a situation in which all the 
energies of the human mind are brought into action, 
and man makes his noblest efforts ; the occasion called 
upon the publick theatre statesmen and warriours, who, 
by the wise and honourable execution of the complicat 
ed duties of their new characters, surprised the world ; 
still from them errours of inexperience were to be ex- 
pected. The fear of accumulating expense, which the 
resources of the country could not discharge, had a 
leading influence to dete- the American Government 
from the adoption of permanent military establish- 
ments ; although the recommendations of Congress, 
and the regulations of State Conventions had, in the 
day of enthusiasm, the force of law, yet the ruling 
power thought it inexpedient to attempt to raise large 
sums by direct taxes, at a time when the commerce of 



52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

the country was annihilated, and tha cultivators of 
the ground were subjected to heavy services in tbo 
field of war. The only recourse was to a paper me- 
dium, without funds for its redemption, or for the sup- 
port of its credit, and therefore of necessity subject to 
depreciation, and, in its nature, capable of only a tem- 
porary currency ; Congress, therefore, was justly 
afraid of the expense of a permanent army. Jea- 
lousy toward a standing army liad a powerful in- 
fluence upon the military arrangements of Ameri- 
ca ; this jealous spirit early insinuated itself into 
the Legislative bodies of the Colonies, and was dis- 
played in many of their measures. It appears in 
the address presented by the Provincial Assembly of 
New-York to General Washington, while on his 
journey to the American camp. " We have the fullest 
assurance, say they, that whenever thi^ important 
contest shall be dficided, by that fondest wish of each 
American soul, an accommodat-.on with our Mother 
Country, you w^ill cheerfully resign the important de- 
posite committed into your hands, and reassume the 
character of our worthiest citizen." Congress, as a 
body, unquestionabl}' felt this jealousy, and was afraid 
to trust a standing army with the power necessary to 
conduct the war, lest, at its successful termination, this 
army should become the master of the country for 
whose liberties it had fought. The plan of temporary 
enlistments was adopted by Congress, in the confident 
persuasion, that draughts on every occasion might be 
made from the militia, to oppose any force Britain 
could bring into the field ; and that the native pa- 
triotism and bravery of the Americans would prove 
superiour to the mechanicd movements of disciplined 
troops. 

There being no magazines of arms in the country, 
the soldiers of the first campaign were of necessity 
permitted to bring their own muskets into service, 
(ilthouoh their different leairth and size occasioned 



r75.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53 

much inconvenience. By the regulation of Congress 
lor the new enlistment, the soldiers, who chose not to 
serve another campaign, were not permitted to carry 
home their arms ; but they were to receive payment 
for them by appraisement. Every soldier who enlist- 
ed was to find a gun, or pay a dollar to the Govern- 
ment for the use of one during the campaign. Every 
soldier, who found himself a blanket was to receive 
two dollars. As it was impracticable to clothe the 
army in uniforms, clotlies of different colours wero 
provided, the price of which was to be deu acted from 
the wages of the men. 

As soon as the plan of the new army was settled, 
General Washington adopted measures to carry it 
mto execution. In general orders he directec, that 
all officers, who intended to decline the service of 
their country at the expiration of their present engage- 
ments, should in writing make known their inten- 
tion to their respective Colonels ; which was to be 
communicated to the General Officers commanding 
Brigades. "■ Those brave men, and true patriots, who 
resolved to continue to serve and defend their bre- 
thren, privileges, and property," were called upon in 
the same manner to make known their intentions, and 
to consider themselves as engaged to the last of De- 
cember, 177G, unless sooner discharged by Congress. 

The period of patriotick enthusiasm had, in some 
measure, passed away ; numbers of officers consented 
conditionally to remain in the army, and many made 
Jio communication on the subject. Immediate deci- 
sion was necessary ; and, in new orders, the Com 
mander in Chief solemnly called upon them 
Oct. 30. for a direct and unconditional answer to his 
inquiry. " The times," he observed, " and 
the importance of the great cause we are engaged in, 
alia ^' no room for hesitation and delay. \Vhen life, 
liberty, and property are at stake ; when our country 
is in danger of being a melancholy bcene of bloodshed 



54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. 

and desolation ; when our towns are laid in ashes ; in- 
nocent women and children driven from their peaceful 
habitations, exposed to the rigours of an inclement 
sea.^on, to depend, perhaps, on the hand of charity for 
support ; when calamities like these are staring us 
in the face, and a brutal enemy are threatening us, 
and evt ry thing wo hold dear, with destruction from 
foreign troops ; it little becomes the character of a sol- 
dier to shrink from danger, and condition for new 
terms. It is the General's intention to indulge both 
officers and soldiers, who compose the new army, with 
furloughs for a reasonable time ; but this must be done 
in such a manner as not to injure the service, or 
weaken the army too much at once." 

The troops were assured that clothes, on reasonable 
terms, were provided " for those brave soldiers, who 
ititended to continue in the army another year." With 
great difficulty the arrangement of officers was com- 
pleted, and recruiting orders were imme- 
Nov. 12. diately issued. Recruiting oincers were di- 
rected to " be careful not to enlist any per- 
son suspected of being unfriendly to the liberties of 
America, or any abandoned vagabond, to whom all 
causes and countries are equal, and alike indifferent. 
The rights of mankind and the freedom of America 
would have numbers sufficient to support them, with- 
out resorting to such wretched assistance. Let those, 
who wish to put shackles upon freemen, fill their ranks 
with, and place their confidence in, such miscreants." 
To aid the cause, popular songs were composed and 
circulated through the camp, calculated to inspire 
tha soldiery with the love of country, and to induce 
them to engage anew in the publick service. But 
unfortunately, the army at this time wq.s badly sup- 
plied with clothing, provisions, and fuel, and the conse- 
quent sufferings of the soldiers, operating upon their 
strong desire to visit their homes, prevented their en- 
Lstment in the expected numbers. On the last day ol 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 55 

December, when the first term of service expired, only 
nine thousand six hundred and fifty men had enlisted 
for the new army, and many of these were of necessity 
permitted to be absent on furlough. It was found im- 
possible to retain the old troops a single day after their 
times expired. General Washington called upon the 
Governments of the neighbouring Provinces for de 
tachments of militia to man his Vmea, and he was high 
ly gratified by the prompt compliance with his demand 
In a letter to Congress he writes, " The militia that 
are come in, both Irom this Province and New-Hamp- 
shire, are very fine looking men, and go througli their 
duty with great alacrity. The despatch made, both 
by the people in marching, and by the Legislative 
powers in com])lying with my requisition, has given 
me infinite satisfaction." 

In the space of tir.ie, between that of disbanding the 
old army, and of an etfective force from the new re- 
cruits, the lines were often in a defenceless state ; the 
enemy must have knov/n the fact ; and no adequate 
reason can be assigned, why an attack was not made. 
<'It is not," says General Washington, in 
•^.'iJ!,-'^' his ccmmunications to Congress, " in the 
pages of history to furnish a case like ours. 
To maintain a post, within musket shot of the enemy, 
for six months together, without avrmuniiion, and, at 
the same time, to disband one army and recruit another, 
within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, 
is more, probably, than ever was attempted. But if 
we succeed as well in the last, as we have heretofore 
in the first, I shall think it the most fortunate event 
of my whole life." 

To defend the American lines with an incompetent 
number of troops, with defective arms, and without an 
adequate supply of ammunition ; to disband one army 
and recruit another in the face of eight thousand Bri- 
tish soldiers, will be viewed as a hazardous measure, 
and will be supposed, with the organization and disci- 



56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770 

pline of the men, to have employed every active power 
of the General ; yet this did not satisfy his mind. Ho 
knew, that Congress, with anxious solicitude contem- 
plated more decisive measures, and that the coimtry 
looked for events of greater magnitude. The publick 
was ignorant of his actual situation, and conceived his 
means for offensive operations to be much greater, than 
in reality they were ; and from him expected the capture 
or expulsion of the British army in Boston. He felt 
the importance of securing tlie confidence of his coun- 
trymen by some brilliant action, and was fully sensible 
that his own reputation was liable to suffer, if he con- 
fined himself solely to measures of defence. To pub- 
lish to his anxious country, in his vindication, the state 
of his army, would be to acquaint the enemy with his 
weakness, and to involve his destruction. 

The firmness and patriotism of General Washing- 
ton, v.'ere displayed in making the good of his country 
an object of higher consideration, than the applause of 
those, who were incapable of forming a correct opinion 
of the propriety of his measures. On this, and on 
many other occasions during the war, he withstood the 
voice of the populace, rejected tlie entreaties of the 
sanguine, and refused to adopt the plans of the rash, 
that he might ultimately secure the great object of 
contention. 

While he resolutely rejected every measure, that in 
his calm and deliberate judgment, he did not approve, 
he daily pondered upon the practicability of a success- 
ful attack upon Boston. As a preparatory step, be 
took possession of Plowed Hill, Cobble Hill, und Lech- 
mere's Pnir t, and upon them erected fortifications. 
These posts brought him within half a mile of the 
enemy's works on Bunker's Hill ; and, by his artillery, 
he drove the British floating oatteries fr m their sta- 
tions in CJiarles's River. He erected floating batteries, 
to watch the movements of his enemy, and to aid in 
any offensive operations, that circumstances might 



177G.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON 57 

warrant. Pie took the opinion of his General OfRcers 
a second time respecting the meditated attack ; they 
again unanimously gave their opinion in opposition to 
the measure, and this opinion was immediately com- 
municated to Congress. Congress appeared still to 
favour the attempt, and, that an apprehension of dan- 
gei to the town of Boston, might not have an undue 
influence upon the operations of the 'army, resolverl, 
" That if General Washington and his 
Dec. 1775. Council of war should be of opinion, that 
a successful attacA miglit be made on the 
troops in Boston, he should make it in any manner he 
might think expedient, notwithstanding the town, and 
property therein, might thereby be destroyed." 

General Howe had, in October, succeeded General 
Gage in the command of the British army, and tJirough 
the winter confined himself to measures of defence. 

The inability of the American General to accom- 
plish the great object of the campaign, repeatedly 
pointed out by Congress, was a source of extreme 
mortification ; but he indulged the hope of success in 
some military operations durmg the v/inter, that would 
correspond with the high expectations of his country, 
and procure him honour in his exalted station of Com 
mander in Chief of the American armies. In his re- 
ply to the President of Congress, on the re 
^■^J^' ' ception of the resolution, authorizing an at- 
tack on the fortified posts in Boston, he ob- 
served, " The resolution relative to tlie troops in Bos- 
ton, I beg the favour of you. Sir, to assure Congress, 
shall be atterapted to be put in execution the first mo- 
ment I see a probability of success, and in such a way 
as a Council of officers shall think .iiost likely to pro- 
duce it ; but if this should not happen as soon as you 
may expect, or my wishes prompt to, I request that 
Congress will be pleased to revert to my situation, and 
do me the justice to believe that circumstances, and 
not want of inclination, are the cause of delay." 



68 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 

Early m January, he accordingly summoned a 
Council of war, at which Mr. John Adams, then a 
Member of Congress, and Mr. James Warren, Presi- 
dent of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, 
were present ; in which it was resolved, " That a 
vigorous attempt ought to be made on the ministerial 
troops in Boston, before they can be reinforced in the 
Spring, if the means can be provided, and a favourable 
opportunity shall offer." It was also advised, " That 
thirteen regiments of militia should be asked for, from 
Massachusetts and the neighbouring Colonies, in or- 
der to put them in a condition to make the attempt. 
The militia to assemble the first of February, and to 
continue, if necessary, until the first of March." The 
reinforcements thus obtained, amounted to between 
four and five thousand men ; but thus far the winter 
proved unusually mild, and the waters about Boston 
were not frozen. The General^ in his official commu- 
nication to the National Legislature, says, " Congress 
in my last, v/ould discover my motives for strengthen- 
ing these lines with the militia but whether, as the 
weather turns out exceeding inild, insomuch as to 
promise nothing favourable from ice, and there is no 
appearance of powder, I shall be able to attempt any 
thing decisive, time only can determine. No person 
on earth wishes more earnestly to destroy the nest in 
Boston than I do ; no person would be willing to go 
greater lengths than I shall to accomplish it, if it shall 
be thought adviseable ; hut if we have neither powder 
to bombard with, nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no 
better situation than we have been in all the year : 
we shall be worse, because their works arc stronger." 
While anxiously waiting to embrace any favourable 
opportunity that might present to annoy the enemy, 
General Washington seriously meditated upon the 
importance of establishing a permanent army. His 
experience enabled him to anticipate the evils that 
must ensue at the expiration of the period for which 



1776] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 58 

the present troops were engaged, and he bent the 
whole force of his mind to induce Congress seasonably 
to adopt measures to prevent them. In a letter to tho 
President of Congress, dated February 9, he entered 
thus fiilly into the subject. 

" The disadvantages attending the limited enlist- 
ment of troops, are too apparent to those who are eye 
witnesses of them, to render any animadversions neces- 
sary ; but to gentlemen at a distance, whose attention 
is engrossed by a thousand important objects^ the case 
may be otherwise. 

" That this cause precipitated the fate of the brave, 
and much to be lamented General Montgomery, and 
brought on the defeat which followed thereup-m, I 
have not the most distant doubt : for, had he not been 
apprehensive of the troops leaving him at so important 
a crisis, but continued the blockade of Quebeck, a ca- 
pitulation, (from the best accounts I have been able to 
collect) must inevitably have followed. And, that we 
were not at one time obliged to dispute these lines, un- 
der disadvantageous circumstances, (proceeding from 
the same cause, to wit, the troops disbanding them- 
selves before the militia could be got in) is to me a 
matter of wonder and astonishment ; and proves that 
General Howe was either unacquainted with our situa- 
tion, or restrained by his instructions from putting 
any thing to a hazard till his reinforcements should 
arrive. 

" The instance of General Montgomery, (I mention 
it because it is a striking cie ; for a number of others 
might be adduced) proves, that instead of having men 
to take advantage of circumstances, you are in a man- 
ner compelled, right or wrong, to make circumstances 
yield to a secondary consideration. Since the first of 
December, I have been devising every means in my 
power to pecure these encampments ; and though 1 am 
sensible that we never have, since that period, been 
able to act upon the offensive, and at times not in a 



60 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

condition to defend, yet the cost of marching home one 
set of men, bringing in another, the havock and waste 
occasioned by the first, the rcDairs necessary for the 
second, with a thousand incidental charges and incon- 
veniences which have arisen, and which it is scarce 
possible to recollect or describe, amount to near as 
much as tiie keeping up a respectable body of troops 
the whole time, ready for any emergency, would have 
done. To this may be added, that you never can hav9 
a well disciplined army. 

" To bring men well acquainted with the duties of 
.'soldier, requires time. To bring them under proper 
discipline and subordination, not only requires time, 
but is a work of great difficulty ; and in this army, 
where there is so little distinction between the officers 
and soldiers, requires an uncommon degree of atten- 
tion. To ex{)ect then, the same service from raw and 
undisciplined reciuits, as fjom veteran soldiers, is to 
expect Avhat never did, and perhaps never will Happen. 
Men who are familiarized to danger, meet it without 
shrinking ; whereas, those who have never seen ser- 
vice, often apprehend danger where no danger is. 
Three things prompt men to a regular discharge of 
their duty in time of action — natural bravery, hope of 
reward, and fear of punishment. I'lie two first are 
common to the untutored and the disciplined soldier; 
but the latter most obviously distinguishes the one 
from the other. A coward, when taught to believe, 
that if he break his ranks and abandon his colours, he 
will be punished with death by his own part}', will take 
his chance against the enemy ; but a man who thinks 
little of the one, and is fearful of the other, acts from 
present feelings, regardless of ccnsequenccs. 

" Again, men of a day's standing will not look for- 
ward ; and, from experience we find, that as the time 
apnroa'^hcs for their discharge, they grow careless of 
their arms, ammunition, camp utensils, 6ic. Nay, 
even the barracks themselves, lay us under additional 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. CI 

expense in providing for every fresh set, when we 
find It next to impossible to procure such articles as 
are absolutely necessary in the first instance. To this 
may be added, the seasoning which new recruits must 
have to a camp, and the loss consequent thereupon. 
But this is not all : men, engaged for a short, limited 
time only, have the ofScers too much in their power : 
for to obtain a degree of popular'-ty, in order to induce 
a second enlistment, a kind of familiarity takes place, 
which brings on a relaxation of discipline, unlicensed 
furloughs, and other indulgences, incompatible with 
order 'and good government ; by which means, the 
latter part of the time for which the soldier was en- 
gaged, is spent in undoing, what you were aiming to 
inculcate in the first. 

" To go into an enumeration of all the evils we 
have experienced in this late great change of the ar- 
my, and the expenses incidental to it— to say nothing 
of the hazard we have run, and must run, between the 
discharging of one army and the enlistment of another, 
unless an enormous expense of militia be incurred— 
would greatly exceed the bounds of a letter. What I 
have already taken the liberty of saying, will serve to 
convey a general idea of the matter ; and therefore I 
shall, with all due deference, take the liberty to give 
it as my opinion, that if the Congress have any reason 
to vtelieve that there will be occasion for troops another 
year, and consequently of another enlistment, they 
would save money, and have infinitely better troops, 
if they were, even at a bounty of twenty, thirty, or 
more dollars, to engage the men already enlisted, lill 
January next ; and such others as may be wanted to 
complete the establishment, for, and during the wai 
I will not undertake to say, that the men can be had 
upon these terms ; but I am satisfied that it will never 
do to let the matter alone, as it was last year, til) the 
time of service v/as near expiring. The hazard is too 
great in the first place ; in the next, the trouble and 
Vol. I. 6 



62 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. |177C 

perplexity of disbanding one army, and raising another 
at the same instant, and in such a critical situation as 
the last was, is scarcely in the power of words to de- 
scribe, and such as no man, who has experienced it 
once, will ever undergo again." 

Unhappily, the reasons which first induced Congress 
to adopt the plan of short enlistments, still had influ- 
ence on that body, and on many of the general officers 
of the army ; nor were they convinced of their errour, 
but by the most distressing experience. 

The ice now became sufficiently strong 
Feb. 14. for General Washington to march his 
forces upon it, into Boston ; and he was 
himself inclined to risk a general assault upon the 
British posts, although he had not powder to make 
any extensive use of his artillery ; but his general of 
ficers in Council voted against the attempt, with 
whose decision he reluctantly acquiesced. In his 
communication of their opinion to Congress, he ob- 
served, " Perhaps the irksomeness of my situation 
may have given diffijrent ideas to me, from tho.se 
vt'hich influence the judgment of the gentlemea whom 
I consulted, and might have inclined me to put more 
to ha-jard than was consistent with prudence. If it had 
this effijct, I am not sensible of it, as I endeavoured to 
give tlie subject all tlie consideration a matter cf such 
importance required. True it is, and I cannot help 
acknowledging, that I have many disagreeable sensa- 
tions on account of my situation ; for, to have the eyes 
of the whole continent fixed on me, with anxious ex- 
pectation of hearing of some great event, and to be re- 
strained in every military operation, for the want of the 
necessary means to carry it on, is not very pleasing ; 
especially, as the means used to conceal my weakness 
from the enemy, conceal it also from my friends, and 
add to their wonder." 

By the last of February, the stock of powder was 
considerably increased, and the regular army amount- 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 63 

ed to 14,000 men, which was reinforced by 6,000 of the 
militia of Massachusetts. General Washington now 
resolved to take possession of the Heights of Dorches- 
ter, in the prospect that this movement would bring 
on a general engagement with the enemy, under fa- 
vourable circumstanc3s ; or, should this expectation 
fail, from this position he would be enabled to annoy 
the ships in the harbour, and the troops in the town. 
Possessing these heights, he might erect works upon 
the points of land nearest to the southerly part of Bos- 
ton, which would command the harbour and a great 
part of the town, as well as the beach from which an 
embarcation must be made, in case the enemy was dis 
posed to evacuate the place. 

To mask the design, a severe cannonade and bom- 
bardment were opened on the British works and lines, 
for several nights in succession. As soon as the fnjng 
began on the night of the 4th of March, a strong de- 
tachment marched from Roxbury, over the neck, and, 
without discovery, took possession of the heights. 
Greneral Ward, who commanded the division of the 
army in Roxbury, had, fortunately, provided fascines 
before the resolution passed to fortify the place ; these 
were of great use, as the ground was deeply frozen ; 
and, in the course of the night, the party ly uncom- 
mon exertions erected works which defended them 
against the shot of the enemy. On the next morning, 
the British manifested surprise and consternation at 
sight of the American fortifications. Mutual firings 
took pla(",e, hut with little effect ; and the Americans 
laboured indefatigably to complete their works. 

On the contingence of an attack upon Dorchester 
Heights, by a strong force, it had been resolved, that 
four thousand of the American troops, in boats, should 
cross Charles river, protected by three floating batte- 
ries, and attempt to carry the British posts in Boston, 
and open the communication by the neck to the Ameri- 
can forces in Roxburv 



CA LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177b 

Admiral Shuldliam informed General Howe, that 
the Americans must be dislodged, or he could not re- 
main with his fleet in Boston harbour. In pursuance 
of this intimation, on the afternoon of the 5th, a de- 
tachment consisting of three thousand men fell down 
to Castle Island, now Fort Independence, a position 
which would facilitate the attack on the next morning 
but a violent storm, during the night, deranged the 
plan, and before the British were again in readiness to 
make the attempt, the American works became too 
formidable to be assaulted. 

General Washington, on this occasion, indulged a 
confident expectation of the success of his plans ; and 
wisned the meditated attack upon Dorchester to be 
made, in the sanguine hope, that the complete con- 
quest of the British troops in Boston would be its ulti- 
mate effect ; but the storm frustrated his prospects. 

The safety of the British fleet and army, rendered 
Ihe evacuation of Boston a necessary measure ; and 
vhe arrangements of the enemy for this purpose, were 
soon communicated to General Washington. A pa 
per, under the signature of four of the Selectmen, was 
sent out by a flag, containing a proposal, purporting to 
be made by General Howe, that on condition his army 
was perrr.itted to embark without molestation, the 
town should be left without injury. The letter was 
directed to the Commander in Chief, but it did not 
bear the signature of General Howe, nor bina him to 
the observance of the condition. General Washing- 
ton did not, therefore, ofiicially notice it ; but he di- 
rected the American officer, to whom it was delivered, 
to return an answer to the Selectmen, informing them 
that their letter had been communicated to his Gene- 
ral, and assigning the reasons why it had not been of- 
ficially noticed ; but both the commanders appear to 
have tacitly complied with the conditions. The Bri- 
tish army was not annoyed in the preparations to leave 
their post, nor was Nook's point fortified. On the 17th, 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. C5 

the town was evacuated, and left in a better state than 
was expected ; the houses \vere not damaged in any 
great degree } but the British left few publick stores 
of value. 

Although Halifax was mentioned, as the destined 
place of the British armament, yet General Washing- 
TON apprehended that New-York was their object 
On this supposition, he detached several brigades of 
his army to that city, before the evacuation of Boston 

General Howe remained a number of days in Nan 
tasket Road, and the Commander in Chief, when he 
entered Boston, as a meas\.re of security, fortified Fort 

Hill. 

The issue of the campaign was highly gratifymg to 
all classes ; and the gratulation of his fellow-citizens 
upon the repossession of the metropolis of Massachu- 
setts, was more pleasing to the Commander in Chief 
than would have been the honours of a triumph. Con 
gross, to express the publick approbation of the milita 
ry achievements of their General, resolved, " That the 
thanks of Congress, in their own name, and in the 
name of the thirteen United Colonies, be presented to 
his Excellency General Washington, and the officera 
and soldiers under his command, for their wise and 
spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of Boston, 
and th?t a medal of gold be struck, in commemora- 
tion of this great event, and presented to his Ex 
cellency." 

In his letter, informing Congress that he had exe 
cuted their order, and communicated to the army th^ 
vote of thanks, he observes, " They were indeed, a* 
first, a band of undisciplined husbandmen, but it is, 
under God, to their bravery and attention to their dutv, 
that I am indebted for that success which has procured 
me the only reward I wish to receive, the affection and 
esteem of my countrymen." 
6* 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177(>. 



CHAPTER III. 

General Washington marches the army to New-York — Fortifica- 
tions- of the City and River — Independence declared — General 
Howe lands on Staten Island — Interview between General Wash- 
ington and Colonel Patterson — State of the British and American 
Forces — Camp at Brooklyn — Battle on Long Island — Retreat 
from it — The City and Island of New-York, evacuated — Manoeu- 
vres at White Plains — Fort Washinnton taken — General Howe 
invades New-Jersey — Depression of the Americans — General 
Wasliington invested with new Powers — Success at Trenton, and 
at Princeton — New- Jersey rf covered. 

1776. As soon as the necessary arrangements were 
made in Boston, in the persuasion twat the Hudson 
would be the scene of the next campaign, General 
WASI^^NGTo^f marched the main body of his army to 
New- York, where he arrived himself the 14th of April. 

The situation of New-York was highly favourable for 
an invading army, supported by a superiour naval force. 
The Sound, the North and East rivers, opened a direct 
access to any point on Long Island, York Island, or on 
the continent bordering upon those waters. To the 
effectual defence of the city, the passage up the rivers 
must be obstructed by forts and other impediments ; 
and an army was necessa'-y, of force sufficient to man 
the posts and lines of defence, and to meet the invading 
foe in the field. Aware of these facts, General Wash- 
ington doubted the practicability of a successful de 
fence of New- York. But the importance of the place., 
and the difficulty which he had already experienced in 
dislodging an army from a fortified town, open to the 
protoction and supplies of a fleet, inclined him to make 
the attempt. His own disposition to the measure was 
strengthened by the wishes of Congress, the opinion 
of his general officers, and by the expectation of his 
country. The resolution being formed, he called into 
action, all the resources in his power, to effect it. His 
fir.'?t care was to nut an end to the intercourse, which 



1776] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 67 

to this time had been continued, between the t«>ijvn and 
the British ships in the harbour, by which thoy were 
supplied with every necessary ; and Tryon, the British 
Governour, enjoyed the most favourable opportunity 
to concert his plans with the numerous disaffected in- 
habitants of the city and its vicinity ; and by the aid 
of the Committee of Safety, this dangerous communi- 
cation was effectually stopped. The General, with 
unremitted diligence, pushed on his works of defence. 
Hulks were sunk in the North and East rivers ; forts 
were erected on the most commanding situations on 
their banks ; and works were raised to defend the 
narrow passage between Long and York Islands. 

The passes in the High Lands, bordering on the 
Hudson, became an object of early and solicitous at- 
tention. The command of this river was equally im- 
portant to the American and the British General. 
By its possession, the Americans easily conveyed sup- 
plies of provision and ammunition to the northern 
army, and secured an intercourse between the southern 
and northern colonies, an intercourse essential to 
the success of the war. In the hands of the British, 
this necessary communication was interrupted, and an 
intercourse between the Atlantic and Canada, was 
opened to them. General Washington ordered these 
passes to be fortified, and made their security an ob- 
ject of primary importance, through every period of 
his command. 

In these defensive preparations, the American array 
incessantly laboured until Lord and General Howe 
arrived at Sandy Hook with the British fleet and army. 
In the near prospect of active warfare, the mind of the 
Commander in Chief was agitated by innumerable em 
barrassments. He found himself destitute of the 
means to give his country the protection it expected 
from him ; the Colonies ban j filled up their respec- 
tive regijnents ; his force liad been weal^ned by large 
detachments sent to reinforce the army in Canada : he 



68 LIFE OF WASHiNGTOlS. [1776 

was greatly deficient in arms, tents, clothing, and all 
military stores ; and notwithstanding his urgent en- 
treaties on this subject, such was the destitute state of 
America, that Congress with all their exertions were 
unable ti supply him. Two thousand men in camp, 
were at this time without arms ; and no confidence 
Gould be placed in many of the muskets, which were 
in the hands of the soldiery. In this weak and de- 
ficient condition, General Washington was to oopose 
a powerful and well appointed army, and U, guard 
against the intrigues of those in New-York and its 
neighbourhood, who were disaffected to the American 
cause : the.,e were numerous, powerful, and enter- 
prising. A plan was laid by Governour Tryon, through 
the agency of the Mayor of the city, to aid the enemy 
in landing, o.nd to seize the person of General Wash- 
ington. The defection reached the American army, 
and even some of the General's guard engaged in the 
conspiracy ; but it was seasonably discovered, and a 
number of those concerned in it were executed. 

The permanent troops being found incompetent to 
defend the country, it became necessary to call detach- 
ments of militia into the field ; and Congress, placing 
implicit confidence in the judgment and patriotism of 
their General, invested him v/ith discretionary powers, 
to call on the governments of the neighbouring Colo- 
nies, for such numbers as circumstances should re- 
quire ; and they empowered him to form those maga- 
zines of military stores, which he might deem to be 
necessary. In pursuance of the measure recommend- 
ed by Congress, a requisition was made for thirteen 
thousand and eight hundred of the militia from Mas- 
sachusetts, Connecticut, New-York, and New-Jersey. 

While these defensive preparations were going for 
ward in the camp, Congress was ripening measures to 
declare the Colonies independent of Great Britain. 
The free exercise of their constitutional rights was 

e extent of the American claim at the commence 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69 

ment of the controversy, and a reconciliation with the 
parent state, by a redress of grievances, was the ar- 
dent desire of the great body of the American people ; 
but the operations of war produced other feelings and 
views : A general alienation of affection from the Bri- 
tish government took place, and it was thought that 
the mutual confidence of the two countries could never 
be restored. In the common apprehension, it became 
an absurdity, that one country should maintain autho- 
rity over another, distant from it three thousand miles 
The restrictions of Great Britain upon the Colonial 
trade, in the course of investigation, appeared as a 
heavy burden, and the commerce of the world was 
viewed as a high reward of independence : common 
sense dictated, that the ability successfully to contend 
for the liberty formerly enjoyed as British Colonies, 
strenuously exerted, would secure to the country the 
more honourable and permanent blessings of an inde- 
pendent and sovereign nation. The declaration of in- 
dependence was supposed to be the most eftectual 
means to secure tho aid of foreign pov/ers ; because 
the great kingdoms of Europe would be disposed to 
assist the efforts of the Colonies to establish an inde- 
pendent government, although they would not inter- 
fere with their struggles to regain the liberties of Bri- 
tish subjects. By reasonings of this nature, the minds 
of the American people were ripened to renounce their 
allegiance to Britain, and to assume a place amv.n<r in- 
dependent nations ; and the representatives of most of 
the Colonies were instructed to support in Congress 
measures for ihis important purpose. 

Early in June, the following resolution was moved 
in Congress by Richard Henry Lee, and seconded by 
John Adams, -' Resolved that these United Colonies 
are, and of right ought to be, free and independent 
States ; and that all political connexion between them 
and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, to- 
tally dissolved.' This resolution was solemnly do 



70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

bated for several days, and finally passed Con- 
JvhY 4. greps, in the affirmative, by the unanimous 
suffrage of i*s members. 

The duties of the field precluded General Washihg- 
TON from a primary agency in thi? important, national 
measure ; but it met his full approbation. On the re- 
ception of the instrument, he wrote as follows to the 
President of Congress. 

" I perceive that Congress have been employed in de- 
liberating on measures of the most im^portant nature. 
It is certain that it is not with us to determine in many 
instances, what consequences will flow from our coun- 
sels ; but yet it behooves us to adopt such, as, under the 
smiles of a gracious and all kind Providence, will be 
most likely to promote our happiness. I trust the late 
decisive part they have taken, is calculated for that end, 
and will secure us that freedom, and those privileges, 
which have been, and are, refused us, contrary to the 
voice of nature, and the British Constitution. Agreea- 
ble to the request of Congress, I caused The Declara- 
tion to be proclaimed before all the army, under my 
immediate command ; and have the pleasure to inform 
them, that the measure seemed to have their most hearty 
consent ; the expressions and behaviour of both officers 
and men, testifying their warmest approbation of it." 

General Howe had sailed from Halifax in June, and 
early in July landed his army, without serious opposi- 
tion, rn Staten Island ; and on the twelfth of that 
month, he was joined by Lord Howe, with the rein- 
forcements for the army. Lord How 3 had been ap- 
pointed to command the naval force oii the American 
station ; and he and the General were invested with 
the powers of Commissioners to treat \vith individuals, 
and with corporate bodies in the Colonies, upon terms 
of reconciliation with Britain. Although independ- 
ence was already declared, yet they were anxious to 
commence negotiation ; and though unwilling to re 
cognise the official capacity of Congress, or of General 



1770.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 71 

Washington, yet they desired to open with them a 
correspondence. His Lordship sent a lettex by a flag, 
directed to " George Washington, Esq." This the 
General refused to receive, as " it did not acknowledge 
the publick character, with which he was invested by 
Congress, and in no other character could he have any 
intercourse with his Lordship." Congress,by a formal 
resolution, approved the dignified conduct of their 
General, and directed, " That no letter or message be 
received on any occasion whatever from the enemy, 
by the Commander in Chief, or others, the Command- 
ers of the American army, but such as shall be direct- 
ed to them in the character they respectively sustain." 

An intercourse between the British commander, and 
General Washington, was greatly desired for political 
reasons, as well as for purposes growing out of the 
war. Not yet disposed to adopt his military address, 
they sent Colonel Patterson, Adjutant General of the 
British army, to the American head quarters, with a 
letter directed to *' George Washington, &c. &c. «&c.' 
When the Colonel was introduced to the General, he 
addressed him by the title of Excellency, and said, 
" that General Howe greatly regretted the difficulty 
that had arisen respecting the address of the letter ; 
that the manner v.if direction had been common with 
Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries, in cases of dis- 
pute about rank and precedency ; that General Wash- 
ington had himself, the last year, directed a letter in 
the following manner, " The Hon. William Howe ;" 
that Lord and General Howe held his person and 
character in the highest respect, and did not mean to 
derogate from his rank ; and, that the et ceteras im- 
plied every thing which ought to follow." He then 
laid the letter which had been before sent, on the table. 

The General, declining its reception, observed, ''that 
a letter, directed to a publick character, should have 
an address descriptive of that character, or it might be 
considered as a private letter. It was true that the 



72 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [77(5 

et. ceteras implied every thing, they also implied any 
thing. ThT letter alluded to, was in answer to ono 
received from General Howe, under the like address* 
which being received bv the officer on duty, he did 
not think proper to return ; and therefore answered in 
the same mode of address ; and that he should abso- 
lutely decline any letter relating to his publick station, 
directed to him as a private person." 

Colonel Patterson then said, that General Howe 
would not urge his delicacy farther, and repeated his 
assertion, that no failure of re^spect was intended. 
Some general conversation then passed, respecting the 
treatment of prisoners, when the Colonel proceeded to 
observe, that the goodness of the King had induced 
him to appoint Lord and General Howe his commis- 
sioners, to accommodate the dispute that had unhappi- 
ly arisen ; that their powers were very extensive, and 
they would be highly gra,tified in effecting the accom- 
modation ; and he wished his visit might be consider- 
ed as the introduction to negotiation. 

General Washington replied, that Congress had 
not invested him with powers to negotiate ; but he 
would observe, that from what had transpired, it ap- 
peared that Lord and General Howe were only em- 
powered to grant pardons : that they who had com- 
mitted no faults, wanted no pardon ; and that the 
Americans were only defending what they thought 
their indubitable rights. Colonel Patterson rejoined, 
that this would open a wide field of argument, and af- 
ter expressing his fears, that an adherence to forms 
might obstruct business of the greatest moment, took 
his leave. The highest courtesy was observed in this 
conference : the address of Colonel Patterson was 
manly and polished ; the American General fully sup- 
ported the dignitv of his character and station ; and 
Ihe scene was highly interesting to spectators 

The Commander in Chief expected no salutary con- 
sequences to result from the agency of the British 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 73 

commissioners. He apprehended, that their attempts 
at negotiation were calculated only to divide and 
weaken the continent ; and he feared, that their mea- 
sures would operate to relax the exertions of the United 
States to meet the conflicts of the field. In a private 
letter to a confidential friond, as early as May, he la- 
mented the effects of this nature, which had actually 
been produced. " Many members of Congress," he 
wrote, "in short the representatives of whole provinces, 
are still feeding themselves on the dainty food of recon- 
ciliation ; and although they will not allow that the 
expectation of it has any influence on tiieir judgments, 
so far as respects preparations for defence, it is but 
too obvious that it has an operation upon every part of 
their conduct, and is a clog upon all their proceedings. 
It is not in the nature of things to be otherwise ; for 
no man who entertains a hope of seeing this dispute 
speedily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will 
go to the same expense, and incur the same hazards, to 
prepare for the worst event, that he will who believes 
that he must conquer or submit unconditionally, and tako 
the consequences, such as confiscation and hanging." 
General Howe commanded a force of twen- 
AuG. 8. ty-four thousand men, well disciplined, and 
abundantly supplied with every thing neces- 
sary to take the field ; he daily expected to be rein- 
forced by a second detachment of German troops ; and 
he was supported by a fleet judiciously fitted to its 
destined service. To oppose this formidable enemy, 
General Washington had under his direction seven- 
teen thousand two hundred and twenty-five men ; of 
these three thousand six hundred and sixty-eight were 
in the hospital. His effective force was disposed in 
New-York, on Long and Governour's Islands, and at 
Paulus Hook ; and he informed Congress, that in case 
of an attack, he could promise himself only tlie addition 
of one small battalion. Some of the posts occupied 
by the army were fifteen miles distant from others, and 
Vol. I. 7 



74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 

navigable waters intervened. " These things," ob- 
served the General, " are melancholy, but they are 
nevertheless true. 1 hope for better. Under every 
disadvantage, my utmost exertions shall be employed, 
to bring about the great end w^e have in view ; and so 
lar as I can judge from the professions and apparent 
disposition of my troops, I sliall have their support. 
The superiority of the enemy, and the expected attack 
dj not seem to have depressed their spirits. These 
considerations lead me to think, that though the ap- 
peal may not terminate so happily as I could wish, yet 
the enemy will not succeed in their views without 
considerable loss. Any advantage they may gain, will, 
I trust, cost them dear."' 

Before serious hostilities commenced, tho American 
army was reinforced by several regiments of perma- 
nent troops, and by detachments of militia, which made 
the whole number amount to twenty-seven thousand ; 
but the men were not accustomed to the life of the 
camp ; they were much exposed from the want of 
tents, and one quarter of the whole army were taken 
from duty by sickness. 

While waiting the tardy movements of the enemy, 
General Washington, apprised of the impressions that 
would be made by the event of the first encounter, ex- 
erted himself to the utmost to bring his inexperienced 
troops under subordination, and to excite in them, mili- 
tary ardour, without which he could have no hope of 
Buccessful warfare. In general orders, be called upon 
officers to be cool in action, and upon the soldiery to 
be obedient to orders, and to be firm and courageous. 
He directed, that any soldier, who deserted his ranks 
in time of battle, should be immediately shot down. 
He desired commanders of corps to report to him 
every instance of disting' ished bravery in the soldiery, 
with promise of reward. lie endeavour^ed, by the love 
of iiborty, of country, and of posterity, to animate his 
aimy to do their duty. " The time," he observed, 



J77().j LIFE OF WASHINGTON 75 

" is now at hand, which must probably determine 
whether Americans are to be free men or slaves •, 
whether they are to have any property they can call 
their own ; whether tlieir houses and farms are to be 
pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a 
state of wretchedness, from which no human cflbrts 
will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will 
now depend, under God, on thi courage and conduct 
of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves 
us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most 
abject submission. We have to resolve to con-juer, 
or to die. Our own, our country's honour call upon 
us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now 
shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole 
world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, 
and on the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hand 
victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and 
noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are 
now upon us, and we shall have their blessing and 
praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving 
them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let 
us therefore animate and encourage each other, and 
show the whole world, that a freeman, contending for 
liberty on his own ground, is superiour to any slavish 
mercenary on earth." 

In the communication to his army of the 

July 21 success of the Americans at Fort Moultrie, 

near Charleston, he thus laboured to excite 

tliem to emulate the bravery of their country m.eft-i^» 

South Carolina. 

" This glorious example of our troops, under h3 
like circumstances with ourselves, the General hopes, 
will animate every officer and soldier to imitate, and 
even to outdo them, when the enemy shall make the 
same attempt on us. With such a bright example be- 
fore us, of what can be done by brave men, fighting in 
defence of their country, we shall be loaded with a 
double share of shame and infamy, if we do not acquit 



76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [3776. 

ourselves with courage, and manifest a determined 
resolution to conquer or die. With the hope and con- 
fidence that this army will have an equal share of 
honour and success, the General most earnestly ex- 
horts every officer and soldier to pay the utmost atten- 
tion to his arms and health ; to have the former in the 
best order for action, and by cleanliness and care to 
preserve the latter ; to be exact in their discipline, 
obedient to their superiours, and vigilant on duty. 
With such preparations and a suitable spirit, there can 
be no doubt but, by the blessing of heaven, wo shall re- 
pel our cruel invaders, preserve our country, and gain 
the greatest honour." 

In the immediate view of the arduous conflict, the 
General once more endeavoured to inspire his army 
with the heroism necessary successfully to sustain it. 

" The enemy's whole reinforcement is now arrived," 
said he, "so that an attack must, and soon will be 
made. The General therefore again repeats his ear- 
nest request, that every officer and soldier will have 
his arms and ammunition in good order ; keep within 
his quarters and encampment, as much as possible ; be 
ready for action at a moment's call ; and when called 
to it, remember, that liberty, property, life, and honour 
are all at stake ; that upon their courage and conduct, 
rest the hopes of their bleeding and insulted country ; 
that their wives, children, and parents, expeC safety 
from them alone ; and that we have every reason to 
believe that heaven will crown with success so just a 
cause. 

" The enemy will endeavour to intimidate by show 
and appearance ; but remember, they have been re 
pulsed on various occasions, by a few brave Ameri- 
cans. Their cause is bad } their men are conscious of 
it ; and if opposed with firmness and coolness on their 
first onset, with our advantage of works, and know- 
ledge of th« ground, the victory most assuredly is ours. 
Every good soldier will be silent and attentive, wait 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 77 

(or orders, and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing 
execution ; of this the officers are to be particularly 
careful." 

The possession of Long Istand is essential to the 
defence of New- York. It had been determined in a 
Council of war, to fortify a camp at Brooklyn, front- 
ing New- York ; and stretching across that end of Long 
Island, from East river to Gowan'i; cove. The rear of 
this encampment was defended by batteries on Red Hook 
and Governour's Island, and by v/orks on East River, 
which secured the communication with the city. In 
front of the encampment, ran a range of hills fj-om 
east to west across the island. These were covered 
with wood, and were steep, but could any where be 
ascended by infantry. Over this range were three 
passes, leading by three roads to Brooklyn ferry. 

A strong detachment of the American army was 
posted on Long Island, under the command of General 
Greene, who made himself intimately acquainted with 
the passes on the hills ; but unfortunately becoming 
sick. General Sullivan succeeded him in this command 
only a few days before active operations commenced. 
The main bodj'^ of the Americai: army remained on 
York Island. A flying camp, composed of militia, was 
formed at Amboy, to prevent the depredations of the 
enemy in New- Jersey ; and a force was stationed near 
New Rochelle, and at East and West Chester on the 
Sound, to check the progress of the enemy, should 
they attempt to land above King's bridge, and enclose 
the Americans on York Island. The head quarters of 
General Washington were in the city, but he was 
daily over at Brooklyn to inspect the state of that camp, 
and to make the best arrangements circumstincea 
wou'd admit. 

An immediate attack being expected on Long Isl- 
and, General Sullivan was reinforced, and directed 
carefully to watch the passes. 

On the 2Cth the main body of the British troops 
7* 



78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 

with a large detachment of Germans, landed under 
cover of the ships, on the south western extremity of 
Long Island. A regiment of militia stationed on the 
coast, retreated before them to the heights. A large 
reinforcement was sent to the camp at Brooklyn, and 
the command of the post given to General Putnam, 
who was particularly charged to guard the woods, and 
to hold himself constantly prepared to meet the assault 
of the enemy. 

On the same day, the British, in three divisions, took 
post upon the south skirt of the wood ; General Grant 
upon their left, near the coast ; the German General 
de Heister in the centre at Flatbush ; and General 
Clinton upon their right at Flatland. The range of 
hills only now separated the two armies, and the dif- 
ferent posts of the British were distant from the 
American camp, from four to six miles. Upon their 
left, a road to Brooklyn lay along the coast by Gowan's 
cove, before General Grant's division. From Flatbush 
a direct road ran to the American camp, in which the 
Germans might proceed. General Clinton might 
either unite with the German4,or take a more eastern 
route, and fall into the Jamaica road by the way of 
Bedford. These three roads unite near Brooklyn. 
On the pass at Flatbush, the Americans had thrown 
up a small redoubt, mounted it with artillery, and 
manned it with a body of troops. Major General Sul- 
livan continued to command on the heights. 

In the evening, General Clinton, without 
Aug 26. beat of drum, marched with the infantry of 
his division, a party of light horse, and four- 
teen field pieces, to gain the defile on the Jamaica 
road. A few hours before day, he surprised an Ameri- 
can party stationed here to give the alarm of an ap- 
proaching enemy, and undiscovered by Sullivan seizea 
the pass. At day light he passed the heights, and 
descended into the plain on the side of Brooklyn 
Early in the morning, General de Heister, at Flatbush, 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 79 

snd General Grant upon the west coast, opened a can- 
nonade upon the American troops, and began to ascend 
the hill ; but they moved very slowly, as their object 
was to draw the attention of the American commander 
from his left, and give General Clinton opportunity to 
gain the rear of the American troops stationed on the 
heights. General Putnam, in the apprehension that 
the°serious att ick would be made by de Heister and 
Grant, sent detachments to reinforce General Sullivan 
and Lord Sterling at the defiles, through which tliose 
divisions of the enemy were approaching. When 
General Clinton had passed the left flank of the Ameri- 
cans, about eight o'clock in the morning of the 27th, 
de Heister and Grant vigorously ascended the hill ; 
the troops which opposed them, bravely maintained 
their ground, until they learned their perilous situation 
from the British columns, which were gammg their 
rear. 

As soon as the American left discovered the progress 
of General Clinton, they attempted to return to the 
camp at Brooklyn ; but their flight was stopped by the 
front of the British column. In the mean time, the 
Germans pushed forward from Flatbush, and the troops 
in the American centre, under the immediate com- 
mand of General Sullivan, having also discovered that 
their flank was turned, and that the enemy was gain- 
ing their rear, in haste retreated towards Brooklyn. 
Clinton's columns continuing to advance, intercepted 
them, they were attacked in front and rear, and alter 
nately driven by the British on the Germans, and by 
the Germans on the British. Desperate as their situa- 
tion was, some regiments broke through the enemy's 
columns and regained the fortified camp ; but most of 
the detachments upon the American left and centre 
were either killed or taken prisoners. 

The detachment on the American right, under Lcrd 
Sterling, behaved well, and maintained a severe con- 
flict with General Grant for six hours, until the van of 



80 LifE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 

General Clinton's division, having crossed the wholo 
island, gained their rear. Lord Sterling perceived his 
danger, and found that his troops could be saved only 
by an immediate retreat over a creek near the cove 
He gave orders to this purpose ; and, to facilitate their 
e-tecution, he in person attacked Lord Cornwallis, who, 
by this time having gained the coast, had posted a 
small corps in a house, just above the p'ace where the 
American troops must pass the creek. The attack 
was bravely made with four hundred men, who, in the 
opinion of their commander, were upon the point of 
dislodging Cornwallis ; but his Lordship being rein- 
forced from his own column, and General Grant at- 
tacking Lora Sterling in the rear, this brave band 
was overpowered by numbers, and those who survived 
were compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of 
war ; but this spirited assault gave opportunity for a 
large proportion of the detachment to escape. 

The loss of the Americans on this occasion, for the 
number engaged, was great; General Washington 
stated it at a thousand men ; but his returns probably 
included only the regular regiments. General Howe, 
in an official letter, made the prisoners amount to one 
thousand and ninety-seven. Among these were Major 
General Sullivan, and Brigadier Generals Sterling and 
WoodhuU. The amount of the killed was never with 
precision ascertained. Numbers were supposed to have 
been drowned in the creek, and some to have perished 
in the mud on the marsh. The British loss acknow- 
edged by General Howe, was twenty-one officers, and 
three nundred and forty-six privates killed, wounded, 
and taken. 

General Washington passed over to Brooklyn in 
the heat of the action ; but unable to rescue his men 
froifi. their perilous situation, was constrained to be the 
inactive spectator of the slaughter o^his best troops. 

At the close of the day, the British approached in 
front ol "^he Amoiican works, and it has been s.iid, that 



1776] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 

the troops, in their ardour, exhibited a strong inclina- 
tion to storm the lines ; but General Howe, remem- 
bering Bunker Hill, prudently restrained them from 
the assault. 

Determining to carry the American works by rcgu 
lar approaches, the British commander broke ground, 
on the niglit of the 28th, within six hundred yards of 
a redoubt. 

General Washington was fully sensible of the dan- 
ger that awaited him. The success of the enemy by 
regular approaches was certain. His troops were with- 
out tents, and had already suffered extremely by heavy 
rains. The movements of tlie British fleet indicated 
an intention to force a passage into the East river, and 
cut off the retreat of the troops to the city. Should 
tliey accomplish this, the situation of the army on 
Long Island would be desperate. An immediate re- 
treat to the city was tiierefore thought expedient. The 
measure was happily accomplished, on the night of 
the 29th, with all the stores, and military apparatus, 
except a few pieces of heavy artillery, which the soft- 
ness of the ground rendered it impossible to move. 

This important retreat was made v/ith so mach si- 
lence and address, that the enemy did not perceive it, 
although so near that the noise of their intrenching 
tools was distinctly heard b}' the Americans. A heavy 
fog hung over Long Island until late in the morning 
of the 30th, which hid the movements of the Ameri- 
can army from General Howe. Wlien it cleared, 
the rear guard was seen crossing East river, out of 
reach of the Britisa fire. The General in person in- 
spected the details of this critical retreat ; and for the 
forty-eight hours, which preceded its completion, in 
his own language, he was '• hardly off his horse, and 
never closed his eyes." He did not leave the island 
before the covering party marched from the lines. 

The attempt to defcm' Long Island has by man;y 
been considered, as an errour in the military opera 



82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 

tions of the American General, But before his judg- 
ment, in this instance, is condemned, the reasons which 
led to it ought to be weighed. Its possession was 
highly important to cither army ; its situation render- 
ed its defence, in a good degree, probable ; the range 
of hills was favourable to the obstruction of an invad- 
ing enemy ; and a fortified camp in the rear opening 
a communication with the cit)^, and supported by bat- 
teries on Governour's Island and the East river, ren- 
dered a retreat practicable, when circumstances should 
make it necessary. There was then a fair prospect of 
defending tlie island ; at least of detaining tlie enemy 
so long in the effort to gain possession of it, as to waste 
the campaign in the contention. The disastrous con- 
sequences of this measure, are not to be attributed to 
any defect in the original plan, but to the neglect of 
the commanding ofllccr on the island in guarding the 
pass on the road from Jamaica to Bedford. Unfortu- 
nately this officer was changed at the time, when hos- 
tilities were about to commence ; and the General, 
who directed the disposition of the troops on the day 
of the action, was imperfectly acquainted with the 
passes in tiie mountains. General Washington, by 
written instructions, directed this officer " Particularly 
to guard the defiles in the woods, and to render the 
approach of the enemy through them as difficult as 
possible." This order was not fully executed. It ap- 
pears, that General Sullivan was not apprized of the 
march of the British detachment from Flatbush to 
Flatland, on the evening of the 26th, and a guard on 
the Jamaica road did not seasonably discover the ap- 
proach of the enemy to give information. General 
Howe, in his official letter, mentioned, that an American 
patroling party was taken on this road ; and General 
Washington in a letter to a friend wrote, *' This mis- 
fortune happened in a great measure, by two detach- 
ments of our people, who we-e posted in two roads 
leading thrcugh a wood to intercept the enemy in their 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 83 

inarch, suffering a surprise, and making a precipitate 
retreat." 

It should also be recollected, that the plans of the 
Commander in Chief, were laid in the expectation of 
a much larger force, than in the event he realized. 
The regiments were not complete ; and he was abso- 
lutely destitute of cavalry. There was not a single 
company of horse on Long Island to watch the mo- 
tions of the enemy, and give information of their 
movements. This furnishes some apology for the ig- 
norance of the commanding officer on Long Island, 
respecting the manoeuvre of the enemy. 

The defeat of the 27th made a most unfavourable 
impression upon the army. A great proportion of 
the troops lost tlieir confidence in their officers, and in 
themselves. Before this unfortunate event, they met 
the enemy in the spirit of freemen, fighting for their 
highest interests, and under the persuasion, that their 
thorough use of arms, rendered them equal to the dis- 
ciplined battalions which they were to oppose. But, 
on Ihis occasion, by evolutions, which they did not 
comprehend, they found themselves encompassed with 
difficulties, from which their utmost exertions could 
not extricate, anc" involved in dangers, from which 
their bravery could not deliver them ; and entertaining 
a high opinion of the adroitness of the enemy, in 
every movement, they apprehended a fatal snare. 

These melancholy facts were thus narrated by Gene- 
ral Washington, in his letter to Congress. •' Our 
situation is truly distressing. The check our detach- 
ment sustained on the 27th ultimo, has dispirited too 
great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds 
with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead 
of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and 
manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dis- 
mayed, intractable, and impatient to return. Great 
numbers of them have gone off — in some instances, 
almost by whole regiments bv half ones, and by com- 



54 LIFE OF WASHINtJTON. [1770. 

panics at a time. This circumsta.ice, of itself, inde 
pendent of others, when fronted by a well appointed 
enemy, superiour in number to our whole collected 
force, w^ould be sufficiently disagreeable : but when 
their example has infected another part of the army ; 
when their want of discipline, and refusal of almost 
every kind of restraint and government, have produced 
a like conduct, but too common to the whole, and an 
entire disregard of tliat order and subordination neces- 
sary to the well doing of an army, and which had been 
inculcated before, as well as the nature of our military 
establishment would admit of, our condition is still 
more alarming ; and with the deepest concern I am 
obliged to confess my want of confidence in the gene- 
rality of the troops." 

The British General being in possession of Long 
Island, prepared to attack New-York. The body of 
the fleet lay at anchor near Governour's Island ; but 
particular ships passed up the East river, without sus- 
taining injury from the American batteries ; others, 
sailing round Long Island into the Sound, passed up 
to the higher part of York Island. By these move- 
ments, the situation of the American army became 
critical. It was uncertain whether the attack would 
be made upon the lines, or whether General Howe 
would land his troops above King's bridge, and en- 
close the Americans. To guard against the danger 
which threatened him, the Commander in Chief or- 
dered the stores, that were not of present necessity, 
to be removed above King's bridge, and assembled a 

Council to determine upon the expediency 
Sept. 7. of retreating from the city. The majority of 

his general officers voted against the imme- 
diate evacuation of New-York. The plan recommend- 
ed was to station the army in the best manner, to de- 
fend the points menaced with attack, that the enemy 
might waste the resiclue of the season in the struggle 
to possess York Island. The behef that Congress de- 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 

sired that New-York sliould be maintained to extromi- 
tj, probably had influence on this Council. In com- 
municating the adopted plan to that body, General 
Washington clearly indicated an opinion, that an 
immediate evacuation of New- York was expedient. 
Speaking of the enemy, he observed, 

" It is now extremely obvious, from all intelligence, 
from their movements, and every other circumstance, 
that having landed their whole army on Long Island, 
(except about four thousand on Staten Island) they mean 
to enclose us on the Island of New- York, by taking 
post in our rear, while the shipping effectually secure 
the front ; and thus, either by cutting off our commu- 
nication with the country, oblige us to fight them on 
their own terms, or surrender at discretion, or, by a 
brilliant stroke, endeavour to cut this army in pieces, 
and secure the collection of arms and stores, which 
they well know we shall not be able soon to replace. 

"Having, therefore, their system unfolded to us, it 
became an important consideration, how it would be 
most successfully opposed. On every side there is a 
choice of difficulties ; and every measure, on our part 
(however painful the reflection be from experience; to 
be formed with some apprehension that all our troops 
will not do their duty. In deliberating on this great 
question, it was impossible to forget, that history, our 
own experience, the advice of our ablest friends in 
Europe, the fears of the enemy, and even the declara- 
tions of Congress, demonstrate, that on our side, the 
war should be defensive — (it has ever been called a 
war of posts) — that we should on all occasions avoid a 
general action, nor put any thing to the risk, unless 
compelled by a necessity into which we ought never 
to be drawn. 

" It was concluded to arrange the army under three 
divisions ; five thousand to remain for the defence of 
the city ; nine thousand to King's bridge and its de- 
pendences, as well to possess and secure those posts, 

Vol. L 8 



S6 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1770. 

as to be ready to attfick the enemy who are moving 
eastward on Long Island, ii" tliey should attempt to 
land on this side ; the remainder to occuj)y the intei- 
mediate space, and support either ; that the sick should 
be immediately removed to Orangetown, and barracks 
j>rcpared at King's bridge with all possible expedition 
to cover the troops. 

" There were some general officers, in whose judg- 
ment and opinion, mucli conhdtnce ij to be reposed, 
that were for a total and immediate removal from the 
city, urging the great danger of one part of the army 
being cut otF before the other can support it, the ex- 
tremities being at least sixteen miles apart ; that our 
army, when collected, is inferiour to the enemy ; that 
they can move with their whole force to any point of 
attack, and consequently must succeed by weight of 
numbers, if 1 hey have only a part to oppose them; 
that, by removing from hence, we ueprive the enemy 
of the advantage of their ships, which will make at 
least one half of the force to attack the town ; that 
we should keep the enemy at bay, put nothing to the 
hazard, but at all events, keep tne army together, which 
may be recruited another year ; that the unspent 
stores will also be preserved ; and, in this case, the 
heavy artillery can also be secured." 

In the full expectation that a retreat from York 
Island would soon become necessary, the General as- 
siduously continued the removal of the stores and 
lieavy baggn,ge to a'placc of safety. 

The General officers became alarmed at 
Sept. 12. the danger of the army, and, in a second 
Council, deterniiacd to remove it from 
New- York. 

On the fourteentli, several British ships passed up 
the East river, and large i^odies of troops were moved 
to Montezore's Island with the a])parent intention to 
Ian/ either u])on the continent above King's bridge, 
and wholly to enclose the Americans, or upon the 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 87 

plains of Haerlem on York Islcnd, to break the line 
of* communication between the different divisions of 
their army, and attack ihem in situations, in which 
they would be unable to support each othrr. The next 
morning General Clinton landed under cover of five 
men of war, with four thousand men, three miles 
above the city of New-York. 

The American linefs at this place were 
Sept. 14. capable of defence, but the men posted in 
them, on the firing of the ships, without 
\yaiting for the attack of the enemy, abandoned them. 
As soon as the cannonading began, two brigades were 
detached from the main body to support the troops in 
the breast works, the fugitives communicated to them 
their paincA, and General Washington, in riding to 
the scene of action, met his troops retreating in the 
utmost confusion, disregarding the efforts of their 
Generals to stop them.. While the Commander in 
Chief was, with some effect, exerting himself to rally 
them, a very small body of the enemy appeared mi 
sight, on which the men again broke, and a most das- 
tardly route ensued. At this unfortunate moment, and 
only at this moment through his whole life, General 
Washington appears to have lost his fortitude. All 
the shameful and disastrous consequences of the de- 
fection of his army, rushed upon his mind, and bore 
down his spirits. In a paroxysm of despair, he turned 
his horse towards the enemy, seemingly with the in- 
tention to avoid the disgrace of the day by the sacri- 
fice of his life : his aids seized the horse's bridle, and, 
with friendly violence, rescued him froiw the destruc- 
tion that awaited him. 

In consequence of the failure of the troops upon the 
lines, the evacuation of New-York was necessarily made 
in haste. It was happily accomplished with the loss of 
very few men ; but most of the heavy artillery, many of 
the tents, and a great part of the stores, whicli had not 
been previously removed, were unavoidably left behind- 



88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

The American army having been driven from New- 
York, the British General stationed a detachment to 
guard the city ; and posted his main army in front of 
the American lines on the north end of York Island. 
Their right extended to the East, and their left to tho 
North river ; and both their flanks were covered by 
ships of war. The island at Bloomingdale, the place 
of the British encampment, is two miles wide. 

The strongest post of the Americans was at King's 
bridge, which secured their communication with the 
country. M'Gowan's pass, and Morn's heights were 
also rendered defensible ; and within a mile and 
a half of the enemy, a detachment was posted in a 
fortified camp, on the heights of Haerlem. The Com- 
mander in Chief was pleased with this diiposition of 
his army ; he thought it must lead to those frequent 
skirmishes, which would insensibly wear oflf the de- 
pression occasioned by the late defeat, and restore to 
his men confidence in themselves. He indulged the 
hope that by these services, the discipline would bs in- 
troduced into the army, absolutely necessary to suc- 
cessful war, when every individual does his ap})r9- 
priate duty, confiding for his security in the skill 
of his General, and in the united efforts of his fellow 
soldiers. 

The very day after the retreat from the 
Sept. 1G. city, a party of the enemy appeared in tiie 
piain between the two hostile camps. Tho 
General rode to the outpost to embrace the opportuni- 
ty to attack them. Lieutenant Colonel Knowlton, of 
Connecticut, a brave officer, who had been skirmish- 
ing with the party, stated their number at three hun- 
dred. The General detached Colonel Knowlton and 
Major Lcitch, of Virginia, to gain their rear, while he 
occupied their attention by movements indicatnig a 
design to attack them in front. Colonel Knowlton 
and Major Lcitch, after leading their corps into action 
in a most soldier-like manner, were both soon brought 



I77G.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Sy 

off the field mortally wounded ; yet the men under 
their Captains, bravely continued the attack, and drove 
an enemy, superiour in numbers, from their position. 
The Americans had fifty men killed and wounded, and 
the British twice that number. 

This skirmish, trifling in itself, was improved to 
valuable purposes. The Commander in Chief in gene- 
ral orders, applauded the braver^ of officers a.nd men ; 
contrasted it with the cowardly behaviour of the troops 
the day before ; called upon the whole army to emu- 
late this hon')urable example ; and from the issue of 
this conflict, pointed out what brave mpr\ might efl'ect, 
when fighting in the best of causes. 1 ne parole next 
day was Leitch. In filling the vacancy occasioned 
by the death of the Colonel, the General mentioned 
that the officer succeeded " tlie gallant and brave Colo- 
nel Knowlton. who would have been an honour to any 
country, and who had fallen gloriously fighting at his 
post." The success of this rencounter had a general 
effect upon the spirits of the army. 

In addition to the arduous duties of this campaign, 
which were sufficient to employ the time, anil test the 
talents of the greatest military character : the -state of 
the army furnished a weighty subject of attention to 
General Washington. He dwelt upon the gloomy 
prospects of tlie succeeding winter. The clothing of 
the men was suited only to the warm season, and their 
time of enlistment expired with the year. The con- 
sequent distresses in all their magnitude rose to his 
mind, and in the following letter, he endeavoured to 
impress Congress with a lively sense of the situation 
of the army ; and to call forth their highest endea- 
vours to arrest the approaching evils. 

" From the hours allotted to sleep, I will borrow a 
few moments to convey my thoughts on sundry im- 
portant matters, to Congress. I shall ofler them with 
the sincerity which ought to characterize ? man of 
candour ; and with the freedom which may be used in 
8* 



so XJFE OF WASHINGTOxN. [1776. 

giving useful information, witliout incurring tho im- 
putation of presumption. 

" We arc now, as it were, upon tlie eve of another 
dissolution of our army. Tlie remembrance of the 
difficulties which happened upon that occasion last 
year ; the consequences which might have followed 
the change, if proper advantage had been taken by the 
enemy ; added to a knowledge of the present temper 
and situation of the troops, reflect but a very gloomy 
prospect upon the appearance of things now, and sa- 
tisiy me, beyond the possibility of douh*, that unless 
some speedy and effectual measures are adopted by 
Congress, our cause will be lost. 

'* It is in vain to expect that any, or more than a 
trifling part, of this army will engage again in the 
service, on the encouragement offered by Congress. 
When men find that their townsmen and companions 
are receiving twenty, thirty, and more dollars, for a 
few mojiihs' service (which is truly the case) this can- 
not be expected without using compulsion ; and to 
force tlicm into the service would answer no vabiable 
purpose. When men are irritated, and their passions 
inflamed, they fly hastily and cheerfully to arms ; but 
after the lirst emotions are over, to expect among such 
people as compo.se the bulk of an army, that they are 
influenced by any other principles than those of inte- 
rest, is to look for what never did, and I fear never 
will, happen ; the Congress will deceive themselves, 
therefore, if they expect it. 

" A s-^ldier, reasoned with upon the goodness of the 
cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable rights he 
is contending for, hears you with patience, and ac- 
knowledges the truth of your observations ; but sdds, 
that it is of no more consequence to him than to 
others. The officer makes you the same reply, with 
this further remark, that his pay will not support him, 
and he cannot ruin himself and family to serve his 
country, when every member in the community is 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Ul 

equally benefited and interested by his labours. The 
few, therefore, who act upon principles of disinterest 
edness, are, comparatively speaking, no more than a 
drop in the ocean. It becomes evidently clear then, 
that, as this contest is not likely to be the work of a 
day ; as the war must be carried on systematically, 
and to do it you must have good officers ; there is, 
in my judgment, no other possible means to obtain 
tliom, but by establishing your army upon a perma- 
nent footing, and giving your officers good pay ; this 
will induce gentlemen, and men of character to engage, 
and until the bulk of your officers are composed of 
such persons as are actuated by principles of honour 
and a spirit of enterprise, you have little to expect 
from them. They ought to have such allowances, as 
will enable them to live like, and support the charac- 
ters of gentlemen ; and not to be driven by a scanty 
pittance to the low and dirty arts which many of them 
practice, to filch the publick of more than the differ- 
ence of pay would amount to, upon an ample allow- 
ance. Besides, something is due to the man who puts 
his life in your hands, hazards his health, and forsakes 
the sweets of domestick enjoyments. Why a captain 
in the continental service should receive no more than 
five shillings currency per day, for performing the 
same duties that an officer of the same rank in the 
British service receives ten shillings sterling for, I 
never could conceive ; especially when the latter is 
provided with every thing necessary he requires upon 
the best terms, and the former can scarcely procure 
them at any rate. There is nothing that gives a man 
consequence, and renders him fit for command, like a 
support that renders him independent of every body 
but the state he serves. 

" With respect to the men, nothing but a good boun- 
ty can obtain thera upon a perananent establishment, 
and for no shorter time than the continuance of the 
war, ought they to be engaged ; as facts incontestably 



92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 

prove, that the difficulty and cost of enlistments in- 
crease with time. When the army was first raised at 
Cambridge, I am persuaded the men might have been 
got without a bounty for the war ; after that, they be- 
gan to see that the contest was not Ukely to end so 
speedily as was imagined, and to feel their conse- 
quence by remarking, that to get their militia in, in the 
course of last year, many towns were induced to give 
them a bounty. Foreseeing the evils resulting from 
this, and the destructive consequences wiiich would 
unavoidably follow short enlistments, I took the liberty 
in a long letter, to recommend the enlistments for and 
during the war, assigning such reasons for it, as ex- 
perience has since convinced me were well founded 
At that time, twenty dollars would, I aui persuaded^ 
have engaged the men for this term : but it will not 
do to look back, and if the present opportunity be 
slipped, I am persuaded that twelve months more will 
increase our difficulties four-fold. 1 shall therefore 
take the liberty of giving it as my opinion, tJiat a good 
bounty be immediately offered, aided by the proffer of 
at least a hundred, or a hundred and fifty acres of land, 
and a suit of clothes, and a blanket to each non-com- 
missioned officer and soldier, as I have good authority 
for saying, that however high the men's pay may ap- 
pear, it is barely sufficient, in the present scarcity and 
dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in clothes, 
much less to afford support to their families. If this 
encouragement then be given to the men, and such 
pay allowed to the officers, as will induce gentlemen 
of liberal character and liberal sentiments to engage, 
and proper care and caution be used in the nomination 
(having more regard to the character of persons, than 
the number of men they can enlist) we should in a 
little time have an army able to cope with any that 
can be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials to 
form one out of ; but while the only merit an officer 
possesses is liis ability to raise men ; while those men 



177r».-i LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 

consider and treat him as an equal, and in the charac- 
ter of an officer, regard him no more than a broom- 
stick, being mixed together as one common herd ; no 
order nor discipline can prevail, nor will the officer 
ever meet vi^ith that respect which is essentially ne- 
cessary to due subordination. 

" To place uny depend'^nce upon militia, is assured- 
ly resting upon a broke t staffi Men just dragged from 
the tender scenes of domestick life ; unaccustomed to 
the dm of arms ; totally unacquainted with every kind 
of miiiiary skill ; which, being followed by a want of 
confidence in themselves, when opposed to troops regu- 
larly trained, disciplined, and appointed, superiour in 
knowledge, and superiour in arms, makes tliem timid 
and ready to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the 
sudden change in their manner of living, particularly 
in their lodging, brings on sickness in many, impa- 
tience in all ; and such an um^cnquerable dcaire of re- 
turning to their respective homes, that it not only pro- 
duces shameful and scandalous desertions among them- 
selves, but infuses the like spirit in others. Again, 
men accustomed to unbounded freedom, and no con- 
trol, cannot brook the restraint which is ii.dispensably 
necessary to the good order and government of an 
army ; without which, licentiousness and every kind 
of disorder triumphantly reign. To bring men to a 
proper degree of subordination, is not the work of a 
day, a month, or a year ; and unhappily for us, and 
the cause we are engaged in, the little discipline I 
have been lajoviring to establish in the army under my 
immediate command, is in a manner done away by 
having such a mixture of troops, as iiave been called 
together within these few months. 

" Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regulations of 
war are for the government of an army, the militia, 
(those properl}' so called, for of these we have two sorts, 
the six months' meii, and those sent in as a tempo- 
rary aid) do not think themselves subject to them, and 



y4 LiFE OF WASHINGTON. Y1776 

therefore take liberties which the soldier is punished 
for. This creates jealousy, jealousy begets dissatis- 
faction, and these by degrees ripen into mutiny ; 
keeping the whole army in a confused and disordered 
state ; rendering the time of those, who wish to seo 
.regularity and good order prevail, more unhappy than 
words can describe ; besides this, such repeated 
changes take place, that all arrangement is set at 
nought ; and the constant fluctuation of things de- 
ranges every plan, as fast as it is adopted. 

" These, sir, Congress may be assured are but a 
small part of the inconveniences which might be enu- 
merated and attributed to militia : but there is one 
which merits particular attention, and that is the ex- 
pense. Certain I am, that it would be cheaper to 
keep fifty, or a hundred thousand men in constant 
pay, than to depend upon half the number, and supply 
the other half occasionally by militia. The tinse the 
latter is in pay, before and after they are in camp, as- 
sembling and marching, the waste of ammunition ; 
the consumption of stores which, in spite of every 
resolution and requisition of Congress, they must be 
furnished with, or sent home ,• "dded to other incident- 
al expenses consequent upon their coming, and con- 
duct in camp, surpjiss all idea ; and destroy every kind 
of regularity and economy, which you could establish 
among fixed and settled troops ; and will, in my opi- 
nion, prove (if the same be adhered to) the ruin of our 
cause. 

" The jealousies of a standing army, and the evils 
to be apprehended from one, are remote ; and in my 
iudgment, situated and circumstanced as we are, not 
at all to be d/eaded ; but the consequence of wanting 
one, according to my ideas, formed upon the present 
view of things, is certain and inevitable ruin ; for if I 
were called upon to declare upon oath, whether thr 
militia have been more service'U)le or hurtful on the 
whole, I should subscribe to the latter. I do not mean 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 95 

by this, however, to arraign the conduct ot Congress ; 
in so doing, I should equally condemn ray own mea- 
sures, if not my judgment ; but experience, which is 
the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly, and de- 
cisively, reprobates the practice of trusting to miiitia, 
that no man who regards order, regularity, and econo- 
my, or who has any regard for his own honour, charac- 
ter, or peace of mind, will risk them upon militia." 



" Before I knew of the late resolutions of Congress 
which yon did me the honour to enclose in your letter 
of the 24th, and before I was favoured with the visit 
of your committee, I took the liberty of giving you 
my sentiments on several points which seemed to be 
of importance. 

" I have no doubt but that the committee will make 
such report of the state and condition of the army as 
will induce Congress to believe that nothing but the 
most vigorous exertions can put m?..tters upon such a 
footing, as to give this continent a fair prospect of suc- 
cess. Give me leave to say, sir, 1 say it with due 
deference and respect, (and my knowledge of the facts, 
added to the importance of tlie cause, and the stake I 
hold in it, must justify the freedom) that your affairs 
are in a more unpropitious way than you seem to ap- 
prehend. 

" Your army, as mentioned in my last, is upon the 
eve of its political dissolution. True it is, you have 
voted a larger one in lieu of it ; but the season h late, 
and there is a material difference between voting bat- 
talions and raising men. In the latter there are more 
difficulties than Congress seem aware of, which makes 
it my duty (as I have been informed of the prevaiUng 
sentiments of this army) to inform them, that, unless 
the pay of the officers, (especially that of the field offi- 
cers) be raised, the chief part of those that are worth 
retaining will leave the service at the expiration of the 



96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

present term .; as the soldiers will also, if some greater 
encouraifemeiit, be not ofiered tliein, than twenty dol- 
lars, and one hundred acres of land. 

" Nothing less, in my opinion, than a suit of clothes 
annually giv ^n to each non-commissioned officer and 
soldier, in addition to the pay and bounty, will avail ; 
and 1 question whether that will do, as the enemy from 
the information of one John Marsh, who, with six 
other.", was taken by our guards, are giving ten pounds 
bouiivy for recruits, and have got a battalion under 
Major Rodgers, nearly completed upon Long Island. 

" Nor will less pay, according to n;y judgment, than 
I have taken the liberty of mentioning in the enclosed 
estimate, retain such officers as we could wish to have 
continued ; the diffi)rence per month in each battalion 
would amount to bettd than one hundred pounds ; to 
this may be added the pay of the statl officers ; for it 
is presumable they will also require an augmentation, 
but being few in number, the sum will not be greatly 
increased by them, and consequently is a matter of no 
great moment ; but it is a matter of no small impor- 
tance to make the sever-al offices desirable. When the 
pay and establishment of an officer once become ob- 
jects of interested attention, the sloth, negligence, and 
even disobedience of orders, which at this time but too 
generally prevail, will be purged off. But while the 
service is viewed with indifference ; while the officer 
conceives that he is rather conferring than receiving 
an obligation ; there will be a total relaxation of all 
order and discipline^ and every thing will move heavi- 
ly on, to the great detriment of the service, and inex- 
pressible trouble and vexation to the General. 

" The critical situation of our affairs at this time 
will justify my saying, that no time is to be lost in 
making fruitless experiments. An unavailing tri^l of 
a month, to get an army, upon the terms proposed, 
may rend"Br it impracticable to do it at all, and prove 
fatal to our cause, as I am not sure whether anv rubs 



1776.J Llf C OF WASHINGTON. <)7 

in the way of our enlistments or unfavourable turn in 
our affairs, may not prove the means of the enemy's 
recruiting men faster than we do. To this may be 
added the inextricable difficulty of forming one corps 
out of another, :jnd arranging matters with any degree 
of order, in the face of an enemy who are watching 
for advantages. 

" At Cambridge last year, where the officers (and 
more than a sufficiency of them) were all upon the 
spot, we found it a work of such extreme difficulty to 
know their sentiments (each having some terms to 
propose) that I despaired, once, of getting the arrange- 
ment completed, and do suppose that at least a hun- 
dred alterations took place before matters were finally 
adjusted ; what must it be then under the present 
regulation, where the officer is to negotiate this mat- 
ter with the state he comes from, distant, perhaps, two 
or three hundred miles ; some of whom, without any 
license from me, set out to make personal applica- 
tion, the moment the resolution got to their hands ? 
What kind of officers these are, I leave Congress to 
judge. 

" If an officer of reputation (for none other should 
be applied to) be asked to stay, what answer can he 
give ? But in the first place, that he docs not know 
whether it be at his option to cio so ; no provision be- 
ing made in the resolution of Congress, even recom- 
mendatory of this measure, consequently, that it rests 
with the state he comes from, (surrcunded, perhaps, 
with a variety of applications, and influenced perhaps 
with local attachments) lo determine whether he can 
be provided for, or not. In the next place, if he be an 
officer of merit, and knows that the state he comes 
from is to furnish more battalions than it at present 
has in the service, he will scarcely, after two years' 
faithful services, think of continuing in the rank he 
now bears, when new creations are to be made and 

Vol. I. M 



98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^1776. 

men appointed to offices (no ways superiour in merit, 
and ignorant of service perhaps) over Iiis head. 

*' A Committee sent to the army from each state 
may, upon tlie spot, fix things with a degree of pro- 
priety and certainty, and is tlie only method I can see, 
of bringing measures to a decision with respect to the 
officers of the army ; but what can be done in the 
mean time towards the arrangement in the country, I 
know not. In the one case, you run the hazard of 
losing your officers ; in the other of encountering de- 
lay ; unless some method could be devised of forward- 
ing both at the same instant. 

'' Upon the present plan, 1 plainly foresee an inter- 
vention of time between the old and new army, which 
must be filled v;ith militia, if to be had, with whom no 
man, who has any regard for his own reputation, can 
undertake to be answerable for consequences. I shall 
also be mistaken in my conjectures, if we do not lose 
the most valuable officers in this army, under the 
present mode of appointing them ; consequently, if 
we have an army at all, it will be composed of mate- 
rials not only entirely raw, but if uncommon pains be 
not taken, entirely unfit ; and 1 see such a distrust and 
jealousy of military power, that the Commander in 
Chief has not an opportunity, even by recommenda- 
tion, to give the least assurances of reward for the 
most essential services. 

" In a word, such a cloud of perplexing circum- 
stances appears before me, without one flattering hope, 
that I am thoroughly convinced, unless the most vigo- 
rous and decisive exertions be immediately adopted to 
remedy these evils, that the certain and absolute loss 
»f our liberties will be the inevitable consequence ; as 
one unhappy stroke will throw a pov.'erful weight into 
the scale against us, and enable General Howe to re- 
cruit his army as fast as we shall ours ; numbers being 
disposed, and many actually doing so already. Some 



1776] LIFE OK WASHINGTON. 99 

of the most probable remedies, and such as experience 
has brought to my more intimate knowledge, I havo 
taken the liberty to point out , the rest I beg leave to 
submit to the consideration of Congress. 

" I ask pardon for taking up so much of their time 
with my opinions, but I should betray that trust which 
they and my country have reposed in me. Avere I to 
be silent upon matters so extremely interesting." 

General Howe too well understood the duty of a 
commander to attempt to storm the strong camp of his 
opponent. He adopted the plan of transporting his 
army above King's bridge and forming an encamp- 
ment in rear of General Washington's lines. This 
manoeuvre, he expected, would either occasion the 
American Commander hastily to abandon his encamp- 
ment, or oblige him to hazard a general engagement 
imder circumstances which would render a defeat ab- 
solute ruin. To facilitate this design, he fortified 
M'Gowan's hill for the defence of the city. Tliree 
frigates passed up the North river without injury from 
the fire of Forts Washington and Lee, and witliout 
impediment from the chevauxdefrise that had been 
sunk in the river. Tlie great body of troops 
Oct 1% on York Island was embarked in flat bot- 
tomed boats, conveA'ed through Hurl Gate, 
and landed at Frog's Nock, near West Chester. 

General Washington fully comprehended the plan 
of the Rritish Commander, and immediately adopted 
measures to defeat it. The bridges were removed 
from the only road, in which tlie British columns could 
march from Frog's Neck to the American encampment, 
the ground being rough and in many places intersect- 
ed by stone walls. The road itself was broken up, 
guns were mounted upon heights the most favourable 
to annoy approaching troops, and detachments were 
sent out to act in front of the enemy, and to check liis 
progress. As General Howe prosecuted his scheme, 
it became evident to th« American General Officers. 



too LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

that a change of position was necessary to save their 
army from destruction. General Lee about this time 
joined this army, and urged the immediate execution 
of the measure. The advice of his officers according 
with his own judgment, the Commander in Chief 
moved the army from York Island, and stretched it 
along the North river towards the White Plains, until 
its left was extended above the enemy's right. It was, 
however, determined to maintain Forts Washington and 
Lee. The resolution of Congress of the 11th of Oc- 
tober, requesting General Washington in every possi- 
ole way to obstruct the navigation of the river, had great 
influence on this decision. The removal of the stores 
was a heavy task to the men from the want of teams. 
General Kowe moved his army to New- 
OcT. 18. Rochelle. Several sharp skirmishes ensued, 
in which the American troops behaved well. 
Both armies manoeuvred for several days to obtain 
possession of the high grounds of the White Plains. 
General Washington narrowly watched the move- 
ments of his enemy, and to secure a communication 
with the country, and to cover the removal of his 
heavy baggage, he disposed his forces upon the differ- 
ent heights from Voluntine's Hill, near King's bridge, 
to the White Plains, farming a chain of fortified posts, 
twelve or thirteen miles in extent. He now fronted 
the British line of march, the river Brunx running be- 
tween the two armies. During these operations severe 
skirmishes took place between advanced corps, and a 
bold attempt was made to cut off a British regiment, 
which partiaJy succeeded. The enterprise of the Ame- 
rican commander rendered General Howe extremely 
cautious; his movements were made in close order, and 
in his encampments every corps was strongly secured. 
The sick and the stores having been re- 
OcT. 25. moved to places of safety. General Wash- 
ington drew in his outposts, and took pos- 
session of the hills on the east side of the Brunx, in 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 

front of the British army. A detachment was posted 
on a hill a mile from the main body, on the west side 
of the river, to cover the right wing ; and entrench- 
ments were formed, as time permitted, to render the 
lines more defensible. 

The manoeuvres of General Howe indicated 
Oct. 28 the intention to attack the American camp ; 
he reconnoitred their position, and with little 
effect opened a heavy cannonade upon it. He detach- 
ed a large corps over the Brunx to drive the Americana 
from the hill on their right, and thereby open the way 
for an assault upon the right and centre of the main 
body. The charge was sustained with spirit ; but final- 
ly the Americans wore overpowered by numbers, and 
driven from this position. The loss of the Americans 
in the gallant conflict, in killed, wounded, and taken, 
was between three and four hundred ; that of the Bri- 
tish was not less. Tlie day was so flir spent in the 
struggle, that General Howe deferred the attack upon 
the lines until next morning, and the whole British army 
lay through the night upon their arms, in face of the 
American encampment. General Washington spent 
the time in making preparation for the expected as- 
sault ; he drew his right wing bac'k into stronger 
ground, and strengtnened his left in its former position. 
The succeeding day the cautious Howe again recon- 
noitred the American camp, and determined to suspend 
the attack until the arrival of a reinforcement from 
the city. This additional force reached him on tho 
afternoon of the 3Cth, and preparations were made for 
the attack ; but a violent rain prevented the execution 
of the design. 

The movements of the enemy manifest- 
Nov. 1. ing the design to turn the right flank of 
the Americans, and gain possession of the 
high ground in their r:ar, General Washington, hav- 
ing secured his heavy baggage and stores, at nighl 
withdrew his army from its present position, and form- 
0* 



102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

ed it upon the heights of Newcastle, about five miles 
from the White Plains, and secured the bridge over 
Croton river. 

General Howe deemed the new encampment too 
strong to be forced, and marched oft' his army to other 
operations. 

The immediate object of General Howe 
Nov. 5. in leaving the White Plains, was to invest 
Forts Washington and liee. The posses- 
sion of these fortresses would secure the free naviga- 
tion of the North river, and facilitate the invasion of 
New-Jersey. The American Commander conformed 
his movements to those of his enemy. He ordered all 
ihe troops raiped on the v^est side of the Hudson to 
cross that river under the command of General Green, 
intending himself to cross, as -soon as the plans of 
General Howe should be more fully disclosed. Gene- 
ral Lee remained with the troops raised east of the 
Hudson, who was ordered to join Green's division, 
whenever the enemy should enter New-Jersey. Gene- 
ral Washington informing Congress of his new ar- 
rangements, observed, *' I cannot indulge the idea that 
General Hovve, supposing him to be going to New- 
York, means to close the campaign, and to sit down 
without attempting something more. I think it high- 
ly probable, and almost certain, that he will make a 
descent with a part of his troops into the Jerseys, and 
as soon as I am satisfied tliat the present manceuvre 
is real, and not a feint, I shall use all the means in my 
power to forward a part of our force to counteract his 
designs, 

" I expect the enemy will bend their force against 
Fort Washington, and mvest it immediately. From 
some advice, it is an object that will attract their ear- 
liest attention." 

He wrote to Governour Livingston, informing him 
of the movements of the enemy, and advising him to 
hold the militia in their full strength, in constant readi 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOIi 103 

ness to defend their country. He also urged him to 
remove or destroy the stock and provisions on the sea- 
coast, lest these should fall into the hands of the Bri- 
tish. He directed General Green to keep his eye on 
Mount Washington, to send off from his division all 
stores not of immediate necessity, and to establish his 
magazines at Princeton, or some distant place of safety. 
While the British forces were marching to King's 
bridge, three ships of war sailed up the Hudson, with- 
out injury from the American batteries, or from tho 
obstructions that had been sunk in the channel of the 
river. This fact convinced the General, that it was 
inexpedient longer to attempt the defence of Mount 
Washington. He accordingly again wrote to 
Nov. 8. General Green, " If we cannot prevent ves- 
sels from passing up, and the enemy are pos- 
sessed of the surrounding country, what valuable pur- 
pose can it answer to attempt to hold a post, from 
which the expected benelit cannot be derived ? I am, 
therefore, inclined to think it v/ill not be prudent to 
hazard the men and stores at Mount Washington ; but 
as you are on the spot, I leave it to you to give such 
orders respecting the evacuation of the place, as you 
may think most adviseable, and so far revoke the orders 
given Colonel Magaw to defend it to the last." In 
the presumption, that the works were too strong to be 
carried by storm, and that regular approaches by ar- 
tillery would give opportunity to draw off the garrison, 
when their circumstances should become desperate, 
General Green did not carry these discretionary or- 
ders into effect. He was induced to this delay, that 
he might, as long as possible, retain the passage of the 
river, and prevent the depression, which the evacua- 
tion of an important post might produce on the army 
a,nd on the country. 

General Howe being in readiness for tho 

Nov. 15. assault, summons d the garrison to surrender. 

Colonel Magaw, the commanding officer, ip 



104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. 

spirited language, replied, that he shoufd defend hi? 
works to extremity. He immediately communicated 
the summons to General Green, and through him to 
the Commander in Chief, then at Hackcnsack. The 
General rode to Fort Lee, at which place he took boat, 
late at night, for Mount Washington ; but, on the river, 
met Generals Putnam and Green returning from a 
visit to the garrison, who informed him that the men 
were in high spirits, and would make a brave defence, 
and he returned with them to Fort Lee. 

Ok the succeeding morning the enemy made the 
assault in four separate divisions. The Hessians, 
commanded by General Knyphausen, moved down 
from King's bridge to attack the north side of the fort; 
they were gallantly opposed, and repeatedly repulsed 
by Colonel Rawlings's regiment of riflemen posted on 
a hill back of the works. Lord Percy, accompanied 
by General Howe, assaulted the works on the south • 
General Mathews crossed the North river, a^^d landed 
within the second line of defence, while a considera- 
ble part of the garrison were in i\\Q first, fighting with 
Lord Percy. Colonel Cadwaliader, the commander at 
this post, fearing an attack on his rear, retreated in 
confusion towards the fort ; but the fourth British 
column crossing the North river at this moment, with- 
in the lines, intercepted a part of Cadwallader's troops, 
and made them prisoners. In the mean time, Kny- 
phausen had overcome the obstinate resistance of Colo- 
nel Rawlings, and gained the summit of the hill. The 
whole garrison now entered the fort or retreated un- 
der its guns. 

The enemy having surmounted the outworks, again 
summoned the garrison to surrender. His ammuni- 
tion beii?.g nearly expended, and his force incompetent 
to repel the numbers which were ready on every side 
to assail him. Colonel Magaw surrendered himself and 
his garrison, consisting of two thousand men, prisoners 
of war. The eoemv lost in *he a.ssault about eight 



1776 ] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 105 

hundred men, mostly Germans. Soon after the second 
summons, General Washington found means to send 
a billet to Colonel Magaw, requesting him to defend 
himself until the evening, and he would take measures 
to bring him oif ; but the situation of the garrison was 
too desperate, and the negotiation had proceeded too 
far to make the attempt. 

The conquest of Mount Washington made the 
evacuation of Fort Lee necessary. Orders were 
therefore issued to remove the ammunition and stores 
in it ; but before much progress had been made in this 
business, Lord Cornvvallis crossed tlie Hu4l- 
Nov. 18. son with a number of battalions, with the 
intention to enclose the garrison between the 
Hackensack and North rivers. TJiis movement made 
a precipitate retreat indispensable, which was happily 
effected with little loss of men ; but a greater part of 
the artillery, stores, and baggage, was left for the enemy. 

The loss at Mount Washington was heavy. The 
regiments captured in it were some of the best troops 
in the army. The tents, camp-kettles, and stores, lost 
at this place and at Fort Lee, could not during the 
campaign be replaced, and for the want of them the 
men suffered extremely. This loss was unnecessarily 
sustained. Those posts ought, unquestionably, to 
have been evacuated before General Howe was in a 
situation to invest them. When the British General 
gained possession of the country above those positions, 
they became in a greit degree useless to the Ameri- 
cans. This opinion is clearly expressed in the letter 
of General Washington to General Green. The 
errour to be attributed to the Commander in Chief, 
consisted in submitting the measure of evacuation to 
the discretion of a subaltern officer, instead of abso- 
lutely directing it, in the exercise of powers vested in 
him. After the disastrous event liad taken place, he 
possessed too much magnanimity to exculpate himself 
by criminating General Green. 



106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. 

The American force was daily diminislied Dy the ex 
piration of the soldiers' term of enlistment, and by the 
desertion of the militia. 

When General Howe in force crossed into 
Nov. 29. New- Jersey, General Washington posted 
the army under his immediate command, 
consisting of only three thousand men, along the 
Hackensack ; but was unable seriously to oppose the 
enemy in its passage. The country behind him was 
level ; he was without entrenching tools, and without 
tents ; his troops were miserably clothed, and the sea- 
son was becoming inclement. The firm mind of Ge- 
neral Washington sunk not under these depressing 
circumstances. Although no bright prospect present- 
ed itself to his contemplation, yet he exerted himself 
to increasi- his effective force, and to make the best 
disposal of that under his direction. Pie ordered Ge- 
neral Schuyler to send to his aid the troops, belonging 
to Pennsylvania and Jersey, which had been attached 
to the Northern army ; but their term of service ex- 
pired before they reached his encampment, and they 
brought him no effectual support. He ordered Gene- 
ral Lee to cross the Hudson, and join him with those 
of his troops, whose time of service vras not expiring ; 
but General Lee loitered upon the East side of tho 
river, and discovered an ardent inclination to retain a 
separate command in the rear of the enemy. Wash- 
ington in repeated messages informed Lee, that his 
joining was of absolute necessity, that the people of 
Jersey expected security from the American army ; 
and if disappointed, they would yield no support to a 
force, that did not protect them ; and cautioned him to 
take his route so high in the country, as to avoid the 
danger of being intercepted by the enemy. These or- 
ders General Lee executed in a reluctant and tardy 
manner, and soon afler he entered New-Jersey, care- 
lessly taking his quarters for a night in a house three 
miles from his force, he was surprised and taken 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 107 

prisoner by a detachment of British dragoons. Gene- 
ral Washington also renewed his letters to Congress, 
and to tlic Executives of the neighbouring States, 
urging them to bring the whole strength of the mili- 
tia into the field, to enable him to check the progress 
of the invading foe. To back these requests, he di- 
rected General Mifflin to repair to Philadelphia, Gene- 
ral Armstrong to the interiour of Pennsylvania, and 
Colonel Reed, his Adjutant General, to the distant 
counties of New-Jersey. The known influence of 
these gentlemen in those places, united to the exertions 
of the constituted authorities, would, the General 
hoped, bring a powerful reinforcement to his armv 
All these efforts were for the present time inefffectutii. 

As General Howe advanced, the American army 
retreated towards the Delaware. It frequently hap- 
pened, that the front guard of the British entered one 
end of a village, as the rear of the Americans quitted 
the other. Whenever it could be done with safety, 
General Washington made a stand, to show the sem- 
blance of an army, and to retard the progress of the 
enemy. 

At Brunswick, Lord and General Howe, Commis- 
sioners, issued a proclamation, commanding all persons 
in arms against the King, peaceably to return to their 
homes, and all civil officers to desist from their trea- 
sonable practices ; and offering a full pardon to all 
persons, who should in sixty days appear before ap- 
pointed officers of the crown, and subscribe a declara- 
tion of their submission to royal authority. 

This was the most gloomy period of the revo- 
Dec. lutionary war. It was the crisis of the struggle 
of the United States for Independence. The 
American army, reduced in nimibers, depressed by de 
feat, and exhausted by fatigue, naked, barefoot, and 
destitute of tents, and even of utensils, with which to 
dress their scanty provisions, was fleeing before a 
triumphant army, well appointed and abundantly sup- 



108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177(3. 

plied. A general spirit of despondency through Nev/ 
Jersey was the consequence of tliis disastrous state of 
publjck atfairs. No city or town indeed, in its corpo- 
rate capacity submitted to the British government. A 
few characters of distinction maintained their political 
integrity ; and nearly a thousand of the miUtia of the 
state bravely kept the neld in defence of their country. 
But most of the families of fortune and influence, dis- 
covered an inclination to return to their allegiance to 
the king. Many of the yeomanry claimed the bene- 
fits of the Commissioners' proclamation ; and the 
great body of them were too much taken up with the 
security of their families and their property, to make 
any exertion in the publick cause. 

In this worst of times Congress stood unmoved. 
Their measures exhibited no symptoms of confusion 
or dismay, the publick danger only roused them to 
more vigorous exertions, that they might give a firmer 
tone to the publick mind, and animate the citizens of 
United America to a manly defence of their Inde- 
pendence. 

Beneath this cloud of adversity, General Washing- 
ton shone, perhaps with a brighter lustre, than in the 
day of his highest prosperity. Not dismayed by all 
the difiicullies which encompassed liim, he accommo- 
dated his measures to his situation, and still made the 
good of his country the object of his unwearied pur- 
suit. He ever wore the countenance of composure 
and confidence ; by his own example inspiring his lit- 
tle band with firmness to struggle with adverse for 
tune. 

As the British advanced upon him, he retreated, and 
having previously broken down the bridges on the Jer- 
sey shore, he crossed the Delaware, and se 
Dec. 8. cured the boats upon the river for a distance 
of seventy miles. The van of the enemy 
appeared upon the left bank of the Delaware, while 
ihe rear of the American army was upon its passage. 



I77CJ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 

After an unsuccessful attempt to procure boats to 
pass the Delaware, General Howe cantoned his array 
in New- Jersey, intending to wait until the frost of 
winter should famish him with an easy passage upon 
the ice to Philadelphia. He stationed four thousand 
men along the Delaware at Trenton, Bordentown, the 
White Horse, and Burlington. And the residue of his 
force, he posted between the Delaware and the Hack 
ensack. 

General Washington ordered the American galleys 
to keep the river, narrowly to watch the enemy, and 
to give the earliest notice of their movements. He 
posted hig troops upon the south side of the Delaware, 
in situations the most favourable to guard the fords 
and ferries ; and he gave written instructions to the 
commanding officer of each detachment, directing 
what passes he should defend, if driven from his post, 
on his retreat to the heights of Germantown. While 
waiting for reinforcements he kept a steady eye on the 
enemy, and used every means in his posver to gain 
correct information of their plans. This moment of 
inaction he also embraced, to lay before Congress his 
reiterated rem>onstrances against the fatal system of 
short enlistments. He hoped that experience, by its 
severe chastisement, would produce the conviction 
upon that body, which his arguments and persuasions 
had not fully effected. 

He urged Congress to establish corps 
Dec 20. of cavalry, artillerists, and engineers, and 
pressed upon them the necessity of esta- 
blishing additional regiments of infantry. He knew 
that objections to these measures would arise, on ac- 
count of the expense, and from the consideration, that, 
the old battalions wete not yet filled ; these he obviated 
by observing, that " more men would in this way on 
the whole be raised, and that our funds were not tha 
only object now to be taken into consideration. We 
find," he added, " that the enemy are daily gathcr- 
VOL. I 10 



110 LIFE OF WA€HLNGTON. [{77;i. 

ing strength from the disaffected. This strengtli, like 
a snowball by rolling, fl'ill increase, unless some means 
can be devised to check, effectually, the progress of 
the enemy's arms: militia may possibly do it for a 
little while ; but in a little while also, the militia of 
these states, which have frequently been called upon, 
will not turn out at call ; or if they do, it will be with 
so much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the 
same thing : instance New-Jersey ! witness Pennsyl- 
vania ' could any thing but the river Delaware have 
saved Philadelphia ? could any thing (the exigency 
of the case indeed may justify it) be more destructive 
to the recruiting service, than giving ten dollars boun 
ty, for six weeks' service of the militia, who come in, 
you cannot tell how, go, you cannot tell when, and 
act, you cannot tell where — consume your provisions, 
exhaust your stores, and leave you at last, at a critical 
moment. These are the men 1 am to depend upon ten 
days hence. This is the basis on which your cause 
will, and must for ever depend, till you get a large 
standing army, sufficient of itself to oppose the 
enemy." 

With deference he suggested to Congress the expe^ 
diency of enlarging his own powers, that he might 
execute important measures, without consulting with 
them, and possibly, by the delay, missing the favoura- 
ble moment of action. " It may be said," he observed, 
" that this is an application for powers that are too 
dangerous to be entrusted. I can only add, that despe 
rate diseases require desperate remedies, and with 
truth declare, that I have no lust after power, but wish 
with as much fervency as any man upon the wide ex- 
tended continent, for an opportunity of turning the 
Kword into a ploughshare. But my feelings as an offi- 
cer and a man, have been such as to force me to say, 
that no person ever had a greater choice of difficulties 
to contend with than I have." Having recommended 
sundry other measures, and mentioned several as- 



5776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON H] 

rangements which he had adopted bc3'ond tiie spirit 
of his commission, he concluded with the followino- 
observations. 

" It may be thought that I am going a good deal out 
of the line of my duty to adopt these measures, or to 
advise thus freely. A charac'er to lose, an estate to 
forfeit, the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake 
and a life devoted, must be my apology." 

These weighty representations were not fruitless. 
Congress, by a resolution, invested their 
Dec. 27. General with almost unlimited powers to 
manage the war. 

The united exertions of civil and military officers 
had by this time brought a considerable body of militia 
into the field. General Sullivan too, on wjjom the 
command of General Lee's division devolved upon his 
capture, promptly obeyed the orders of the Com- 
mander in Chief, and at this period joined him ; and 
General Heath was marching a detachment from 
Peck's Kill. The army, with these reinforcements, 
amounted to seven thousand men, and General Wash 
INGTON determined to recommence active operations. 

General Maxwell had already been sent into New- 
Jersey, to take the command of three regiments of 
regular forces, and about eight hundred of the militia. 
His orders were to give the inhabitants all possible 
support, and to prevent the disaffected from going into 
the British lines to make their submission, to harass 
the marches of the enemy, and to give early intelli 
gence of their mo'. ements, particularly of those to 
wards Princeton and Trenton. 

These measures were preparatory to more erter 
prising and bold operations. General Washington 
had noticed the loose and uncovered state of the win- 
ter quarters of the British army ; and he contemplated 
the preservation of Philadelphia, and the recovery of 
New-Jersey, by sweeping, at one stroke, all the Britifih 



112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 

cantonments upon the Delav/are. The present posi 
tion of his forces favoured the execution of his plan. 

The troops under tlie immediate command of Gene 
ral Washington, consisting of about two thousand 
and four hundred men, were ordered to cross the river 
at M'Konkey's ferry, nine miles above Trenton, to at- 
tack that post. General Irvine was directed to cross 
with his division at Trenton ferry, to secure the bridge 
below the town, and prevent the retreat of the enemy 
that way. General Cadwallader received orders to 
pass the river at Bristol ferry, and assault the post at 
Burlington. The night of the twenty- fifth was assign- 
ed for the execution of tliis daring scheme. It proved 
to be severely cold, and so much ice was made in the 
river, that General Irvine and General Cadwallader, 
after having strenuously e.terted themselves, found it 
impracticable to pass their divisions, and their part of 
the plan totally failed. 

The Commander in Chief was more fortunate. 
With difficulty he crossed the river, but was delayed 
in point of time. He expected to have reached Tren- 
ton at the dawn of day, and it was three o'clock in the 
morning before he had passed the troops and artillery 
over the river, and four before he commenced his line 
of march. Being now distant nine miles from the 
British encampment, the attempt to surprise it was 
given up. He formed his little army into two divi- 
sions, one of which was directed to proceed by the 
river road into the west end of Trenton, and the ether 
by the Pennington road v/hich leads into the north 
end of the town. The distance being equal, the Gene- 
ral supposed that each division wo ild arrive at the 
scene of action about the same time ; and therefore 
he ordered each to attack the moment of its arrival, 
and driving in the piqiiet guard, to press after it into 
the town. The General accompanying the division 
on the Pennington road, reached the outpost of tho 



1770] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 113 

enemy precisely at eight o'clock, and in three minutes 
after, had the satisfaction to hear the firing of his men 
on the other road. 

The brave Colonel Rawle, the commanding officer, 
paraded his forces for the defence of his post. He 
was by the first fire mortally wounded, and his men in 
apparent dismay, attempted to file off towards Prince- 
ton. General Washington perceiving their intention^ 
moved a part of his troops into this road in their front, 
and defeated the design. Their artillery being seized, 
and the Americans pressing upon them, they surren- 
dered. Twenty of the Germans were killed, and one 
thousand made prisoners. By the failure of General 
Irvine, a small body of the enemy stationed in the 
lower part of the town escaped over the bridge to Bor- 
denton. Of the American troops, two privates were 
killed, and two frozen to death, one officer and three 
or four privates were wounded. 

Could the other divisions have crossed the Dela- 
ware, General Washington's plan in its full extent 
would probably have succeeded. Not thinking it pru- 
dent to hazard the fruits of this gallant stroke by more 
daring attempts, the General the same day, recrossed 
the Delaware with his prisoners, with six pieces of ar- 
tillery, a thousand stand of arms, and some militatj^ 
stores. 

General Howe was astonished at this display of en 
terprise and vigour. He found the American Com- 
mander, a formidable enemy under circumstances of 
the greatest depression, and although in the depth 
of winter, determined to recommence active ope 
rations. In pursuance of this resolution, he called in 
his outposts and assembled a powerful force at Prince- 
ton. 

Having allowed his men two or three days' rest, 
General Washington again passed into New-Jersey, 
and concentrated his forces, amounting to five thou- 
sand, at Trenton. He pushed a small detachment to 
10* 



114 LIFE OF WA15HINGT0N. [-TT? 

Maidenhead, about half way between Trenton and 
Princeton, to watch the movement of the enemy, and 
delay their march, should tliey advance upon him. 

On the next morninor, Lord Cornwallis moved 
t?r^' towards the American General with a supe- 

riour force, and reached Trenton at foui 
o'clock of the afternoon. General Washingto.v drew 
tip his men behind Assumpinck creek, which runs 
th.*5ugh the town. A cannonade was opened on both 
sides. His Lordship attempted at several places to 
cross the creek ; but finding the passes guarded, he 
halted his troops, and kindled his fires. 

Early in the evening General Washington assem- 
bled his officers in Council, and stated to them the 
critical situation of the army. " In the morning," he 
observed, " we certainly shall be attacked by a supe- 
riour force, defeat must operate our absolute destruc- 
tion, a retreat across the Delaware is extremely ha- 
zardous, if practicable, on account of the ice. In 
either case, the advantages of our late success will be 
sacrificed. New-Jersey must again be resigned to the 
enemy, and a train of depressing and disastrous con- 
sequences will ensue." He then proposed to their 
consideration the expediency of the following measure 
" Shall we silently quit our present position, by a cir- 
cuitous route, gain the rear of the enemy at Princeton, 
and there avail ourselves of favourable circumstances .-' 
By this measure we shall avoid the appearance of a 
retreat, we shall assume the aspect of vigorous opera- 
tion, inspirit the publick mind, and subserve the inte- 
rests of our country." 

The plan was unanimously approved, and measures 
were instantly adopted for its execution ; the baggage 
was silently removed to Burlington ; the fires were re- 
newed, and ordered to be kept up through the night • 
guards Avere posted at the bridge and fords of the 
creek, and directed to go the usual rounds. At one 
o clock at night, the army moved upon the left flank 



1777] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 

of the enemy, and unperceived gained their rear. 
The weather, which for several days had been warm, 
suddenly changed to a severe frost ; and the roads, 
v;hich had been deep and muddy, immediately became 
hard, and marching upon them, easy. 

About sunrise the American van met the advance 
of three British regiments, which had the preceding 
right encamped at Princeton, and were on their way 
to jom Lord Cornwallis. A severe skirmish took 
place between this advanced corps and General Mer- 
cer, who commanded the militia in front of the Ame- 
rican line. The militia at length gave way, and in 
the effort to rally them. General Mercer was mortally 
wounded. General Washington advanced at the 
head of those troops which had signalized themselves 
at Trenton, and exposed himself to the hottest fire of 
the enemy. His men bravely supported him, and the 
British in their turn were repulsed, and the different 
regiments separated. That in the rear, retreated with 
little loss to Brunswick. Colonel Mawhood in the 
van, with a part of his men, forced his way through 
the Americans, and reached Trenton. More than a 
hundred of the British were left on tiie field of battle, 
and three hundred of them were made prisoners. Be- 
sides General Mercer, v/hose death was greatly la- 
mented, the Americans in this action lost two Colonels, 
two Captains, five other officers, and nearly a hun- 
dred privates. 

On the return of day, Lord Cornwallis found that 
he had been out-generalled. Comprehending the de- 
sign of Washington, he broke up his encampment, 
and with the utmost expedition retraced his steps, 
for the preservation of the stores in his rear ; and he 
was close upon the Americans, as they marched ou\. 
of Princeton. 

It had been the intention of General Washington to 
proceed to Brunswick, where the British had large 
magazines, and where was their military chest, which 



110 LIFE OF WASIllMGTON. [1777 

at this time, as it after-Awards appeared, contained 
seventy thousand pounds sterling-. But many of his 
soldiers had not slept for forty-eiglit hours, none of 
them fjr the last twenty-four, and ihey were exhaust- 
ed by excessive duty. They were closely pursued by 
a superiour force, which must be up with them before 
the stores at Brunswick could be destroyed, should 
they meet with serious opposition at that place. Ge 
neral Washington therefore relinquished this part of 
his plan, and prudently led his armj' to a place of se- 
curity, to give them the rest which they greatly 
needed. 

The successes of the American arms at Trenton, 
and at Princeton, were followed by important conse 
quences. The affairs of the United States, before 
these events, appeared to be desperate. Two thou- 
sand of the regular troops had a right, on the first of 
January, to demand their discharge. The recruiting 
service was at an end, and general despondency pre- 
vailed. The triumphs of the British through the pre- 
vious parts of the campaign produced a common ap- 
prehension, in the citizens of the middle states, that 
any further struggle w^ould be useless ; and that Ame- 
rica must eventually return to her allegiance to Great 
Britain. Many individuals made their peace with the 
Commissioners, and took protection from the officers 
of the crown ; and more discovered the inclination to 
do it, wlien opportunity should present. General 
Howe supposed New-Jersey restored to the British 
government, and thought the war drawing to a close. 
But these successes were considered as great victories, 
and produced consequent effects upon the publickmind. 
The character of the Commander in Chief propor- 
cionably rose in the estimation of tJie great mass of 
American people, who now respected themselves, and 
confided in tlicir persevernig efforts to secure the 
great object of contention, the independence of their 
country. 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117 

Other causes had a powerful operation upon the 
minds of the yeomanry of New-Jersey. The British 
commanders tolerated, or at least neglected to restrain, 
gross licentiousness in their army. The inhabitants 
of the state, which they boasted was restored to the 
bosom of the purent country, were treated not as re- 
claimed friends, but as conruered enemies. The sol- 
diery were guilty of every species of rapine, snd with 
little discrimination between those who had opposed 
or supported the measures of Britain The abuse was 
not limited to tlie plundeimg of property. Every in 
dignity was offered to the persons of the inhabitants, 
not excepting those outrages to the female sex, which 
are felt by ingenuous minds with the keenest anguish, 
and excite noble spirits to desperate resistance. These 
aggravated abuses roused the people of New-Jersey to 
repel that army, to whicli they had voluntarily sub- 
mitted, in the expectation of protection and security; 
At the dawn of success upon the American arms, they 
rose in small bands to oppose their invaders. They 
scoured the country, cut off every soldier who strag- 
gled from his corps ; and in many instances repelled 
the foraging parties of the enemy. 

The enterprising manoeuvres of the American Ge- 
neral, and the returning spirit of the Jersey yeoman- 
ry, rendered General Howe, now Sir William, very 
cautious and circumspect. He contracted his canton- 
ments for winter quarters, and concentrated his force 
m New-Jersfiy, at Brunswick, and Amboy. 

By this time, the period of service of the Conti- 
nental battalions had expired, and the recruits for the 
new army were not yet in camp. Offensive operations, 
therefore, were of necessity suspended by the Ameri- 
can General ; but, with the small force at his disposal, 
he straitenrd the enemy's quarters, and circumscribed 
their foragmg excursions. 

At Christmas the power of the British was extend- 
ed over the whole of New-Jersey, and their command- 



Iia IJFE OF WASHINGTON. [177b 

ers boastotf, that a corporal's gimrd might in safety pa- 
fade in every part of the province. Before the expira- 
tion of. January, they possessed but ttvo posts in the 
state, and these were in the neighbourhood of their 
shipping. The power of their arms extended not be- 
yond the reach of the guns of their fortifications. 
Every load of forage, and every pound of provision, ob- 
tained from the inhabitants, was procured by tlie bayo 
nets of large detachments, and at the price of blood. 



CHAPTER IV. 

General Washington disposes his small force for the protection of 
New- Jersey — Army Inoculated — Abuse of American prisoners — 
The Exchange of General Lee refused — Stores at Peck's Kill and 
Danbury destroyed — American Army takes post at Middlebrook 
— Sir William Howe moves towards the Delaware — Returns to 
Staten Island and embarks his troops — He lands at the Head of 
Elk — General Washington marches to meet him — Battlf! of Bran- 
dywine — Effi^cts of a Storm — British take possession of Phila- 
delphia — Mud Island and Red Bank fortified — Obstructions in the 
River — Attack on Mud Island — Count Donop defeated — British 
eurmount the Fortifications of the River — Plan to attack Phila- 
delphia — Sir William Howe reconnoitres the American camp at 
White Marsh — The Army posted at Valley Forge — The priva 
tions of the Soldiers during the winter. 

1777. General Washington indulged the hope 
that the brilliant success, at the close of the last cam- 
paign, would stimulate his country to bring a force 
into the field, which would enable him in the course of 
the winter, to drive the enemy into New-York, to 
straiten their quarters and prevent their obtaining any 
supplies from the neighbouring counties. Being disap- 
pointed in this hope, he disposed his small force in the 
best manner to protect New-Jersey, and exerted him- 
self to prepare for the approaching season of action. 

The most popular officers were sent into the states 
m which they had the greatest influence, to aid the 
recruiting service, and to push the recruits forward to 
camp, in small bodies, as they could be made ready 



1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. V19 

The army havinor suffered extremely from the small 
pox, the General resolved that they should be relieved 
from the scourge and terrour of this disease. Orders 
were accordingly given secretly to inoculate the con- 
tinental soldiers in their vi^inter quarters ; and places 
were assigned at which the recruits were to go through 
the operation, as they successively approached the 
camp. The measure was attended with succesu, and 
Sir William did not avail himself of the temporary de- 
bility of the American army. 

Congress had also admitted the expectatirii of splen- 
did events during the winter. In answer to a letter, 
expressing this expectation, the Commander in Chief 
gave the following account of the state of his army. 

*' Could I accomplish the important ob- 
March 4. ject, so eagerly wished by Congress, con- 
fining the enemy in their present quarters, 
preventing their gathering supplies from the country, 
and totally subduing them before they are reinforced, 
I should be happy indeed. But what prospect, or hope, 
can there be, of my effecting so desirable a work at 
this time .'' The enclosed return, to which I solicit the 
most serious attention of Congress, comprehends the 
whole force I have in the Jersey. It is but a handful, 
and bears no proportion, in the scale of numbers to 
that of the enemy. Added to this, the^major part is 
made up of militia. The most sanguine in speculation, 
cannot deem it more than adequate to the least valuable 
purposes of war." The whole number, capable of 
duty was short of three thousand. Two thirds of 
these were militia, whose time of service would expire 
with the month. 

During the winter General Spencer planned an ex- 
pedition against the British Jjip ops on Rhode-Island. 
The Commander in Chief OTmsed that the attempt 
should not be made, without the strongest probability 
of success. The scheme was relinquished, and the 
General fully expressed his approbation of it. " It is 



120 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770 

right not to risk a miscarriage. Until we get our new 
army properly established, it is our business to play a 
certain game, and not to depend on the militia for any 
thing capital." The weakness of General Washing- 
ton was concealed from his friends and from his foes, 
and he was not molested at head quarters by Sir Wil 
liam Howe. 

The remonstrances of the commander in Chief upon 
the state of the army, had in some degree produced 
their effect upon Congress. The corps of artillerists 
was increased to three regiments, and the command 
of it given to Colonel Knox, who at this time was pro- 
moted to be a Brigadier General. A resolution also 
passed Congress, to raise three thousand cavalry ; and 
General Washington was empowered to establish a 
corps of engineers. Few, if any, native Americans 
having been systematically educated to this branch of 
war, the corps was principally formed of foreigners, 
and General Du Portail, an officer of distinguished 
merit, was placed at its head. 

The arrangement of the army gave the Com- 
mander in Chief inconceivable trouble. Congress, as 
the head of the Union regulated the general military 
system ; but the governments of the several states 
were in their respective departments sovereign. In- 
deed the sepajate states only possessed coercive power. 
These raised their proportion of troops, and their 
agency v/as blended with that of Congress in clothing 
and supporting the men. The state regulations re 
specting bounty and pay were different, and occasioned 
jealousies in the army, vexatious to the General, and 
destructive of subordination and discipline. The states 
which conceived tbemselves exposed to the invasion 
of the enemy, discovM^d an inclination to direct a 
part of the general foroe to their security, or to raise 
state battalions for their defence, and to be at their dis- 
posal. General Washington, in his correspondence 
with Congress, and with the state governments, repre- 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 121 

sented the evils that must ensue, should any discrimi- 
nation of pay or treatment be made among soldiers of 
the same army. He also stated, that if the force of 
the country should be placed under different heads, 
sufficient strength could not be collected to defend any 
one point ; and while the general defence was weak- 
ened, it would be impossible, by any disposition of the 
army, to prevent the partial depredations of the ene- 
my. These embarrassments were happily overruled 
by the personal influence of the General ; and before 
the campaign opened, the arrangements of the Ttrmy 
were brought into order and method. 

The treatment of American prisoners by the British 
commanders was another source of vexation and diffi- 
culty. At the commencement of hostilities. General 
Gage did not view the Americans as a community 
contending for their constitutional rights, but as the 
revolted subjects of h4s royal master, and the unhappy 
men, whom the fortune of war placed in his hands, he, 
without regard to military rank, confined in prison as 
rebels, with common felons. Against a practice mili- 
tating with common usage, and calculated to in- 
crease the miseries of war, General Washington 
forcibly remonstrated. In a letter to General Gage, 
he mentioned, that in his apprehension, the obligations 
of humanity, and the claims of rank are universally 
bmding, except in the case of retaliation. He ex 
pressed " the hope he had entertained, that they would 
liave induced, on the part of the British General, a 
conduct more conformable to the rights they gave. 
While he claimed the benefits of these rights, he de- 
clared his determination to be regulated entirely in his 
conduct tov/ards the prisoners who should fall into his 
hands, by the treatment v^'hi'ch those in the power of 
tlie British General should receive." To this letter 
a very haughty and insolent answer was given, in 
V\Iiich General Gage retorted the charge of abuse to- 
wards prisoners, and stated, as a mark of British cle- 
Vol. I. II 



122 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. -1177. 

inency, that the cord was nfit applied to those of whose 
imprisonment complaint was made. To this abusive 
communication, General Washington replied in a 
manner worthy his character, and which reply, he ob- 
served, was " to close their correspondence, perhaps 
for ever." He concluded with saying, " if your officers, 
our prisoners, receive from me a treatment different 
from what I wished to shov*?' them, they and you will 
remember the occasion of it." Accordingly all the 
British officers in his power were put into close jail, 
and the soldiers were confined in places of security. 
Directions were particularly given to subaltern agents, 
to explain to the sufferers the causes which led to this 
peverity of treatment. 

When Howe succeeded to the command of the Bri- 
tisli army, he admitted American officers to their pa- 
role, and consented to an exchange of prisoners ; and 
General Washington gladly resumed his former hu- 
mane treatment of captives. 

The capture of General Lee furnished another cause 
of irritation on this subject. He had been a British 
officer, and had engaged in the American service be- 
fore tiie acceptance of the resignation of his commis- 
sion. Sir William Howe for this reason pretended to 
view him as a traitor, and at first refused to admit him 
to his parole, or to consider him as a subject of ex- 
change. Congress directed the Commander in Chief 
to propose to Sir William Howe to exchange six field 
officers for General Lee. In case the proposal was re- 
jected, that body resolved, that these offxcers should be 
closely confined, and in every respect receive the 
treatment thcct General Lee did. The propoi^ition not 
being acceded to, the resolution of Congress was car- 
ried into effect, by t!ie Executives of the States, in 
whose custody the selected field officers were, with a 
degree of severity which the treatment of General 
Lee did not warrant. 

The general olan of retaliation, adopted by Congress 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGT(jN. 1^3 

for abuses offered to Americans in t\ e power of the 
British, the sound judgment of General Washington 
conceived to be unjust and impolitick, and his humane 
heart recoiled at its execution. Some of the resolu- 
tions of that honourable body, on this subject, ha 
thought exposed his own honour to impeachment by 
Sir William Howe. Against those resolutions, he 
pointedly remonstrated, and detailed the evils they 
were calculated to produce to the nation, and to the 
Americans, prisoners with the British. His representa- 
tions through a long period, had not their due effect 
but eventually Congress was constrained to adopt the 
measures he recommended. 

Resolving never himself to aggravate the misericT 
of war, by wanton deeds of cruelty, General Wash- 
ington was disposed to adopt and execute those laws 
of retaliation, which would constrain the enemy to con- 
duct their military operations in the spirit of humanity. 
Repeated and heavy complaints were made of the 
cruel treatment which the American prisoners received 
in New-York ; and the sickly and debilitated state of 
those, who were sent out to be exchanged, confirmed 
the truth of the charge. Many of them fainted and 
died before they reached head quarters. General 
Howe demanded that all prisoners, delivered at the 
lines to an American officer, should be accounted for 
in the cartel, and British soldiers returned to the full 
amount. General Washington absolutely refused to 
reckon those who died on their way to the American 
camp ; and he unweariedly exerted himself to correct 
the abuse to American prisoners. In the beginning 
of April this year, he wrote Sir William Howe, *' It is 
a fact not to be questioned, that the usage of our pri 
soners while in your possession, the privates at least, 
was such as could not be justitied. This was pro- 
claimed by the concurrent testimony of all who came 
out, their appearance sanctified the assertion, and 
melancholy experience, in the speedy death of a large 



1^4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

part of them, stamped it, with infalHble certainty.'* 
These measures induced the enemy to a more humane 
treatment of their prisoners ; but disputes on the sub- 
ject prevented the estabhshment of a regular cartel 
until a late period of the war. 

In INIarch the enemy sent out two detachments to 
destroy the American stores at Peck's Kill on the 
North River, and at Danbury in Connecticut. Both 
succeeded in their attempt ; and although the stores 
destroyed did not equal in quantity the report on which 
the expeditions were planned, yet their loss was sensibly 
felt by the Americans in the active season of the cam- 
paign. 

In the near approach of active operations. Congress 
resolved that a camp should be formed on the western 
side of Philadelphia. General Washington had al- 
ready adopted his plan for the campaign, and request- 
ed that this camp, if formed, should consist wholly of 
militia. In the expectation that Sir William Howe 
would either attempt to gain possession of the High 
lands on North river, and co-operate with General Bur- 
goyne from Canada ; or renew the plan of the last 
campaign, to march through New -Jersey for Philadel- 
phia, the General detern^.ined to post his army upon 
the strong ground in New-Jersey, north of the road 
through Brunswick, to Philadelphia. In this position 
he might protect Philadelphia, and a great part of 
New- Jersey. The situation was also favourable to 
defend the passes and forts on the North river. To 
this post he wished to collect a force sufficient to re- 
pel an assault from General Howe. In the location 
of his army, the General had another object of mag- 
nitude upon his mind. In his opinion it was unf^r- 
tain whether General Burgoyne would by sea join Sir 
William Howe, or retaining a separate command, at- 
tempt the conquest of Ticonderoga, and an impression 
upon the Hudson. Which of these measures would 
bo pursued, he could not determine, until the plans of 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 12b 

the enemy were unfolded. To guard against both, he 
ordered the troops raised north of the Hudson to be 
divided between Ticonderoga and Pecks Kill, and 
those south including North-Carolina to be stationed 
in New-Jersey. The troops of South-Carolina and 
Georgia were left for their own defence. By this dis- 
position of his forces, tiie General was in a situation 
to reinforce Ticonderoga from Peck's Kill, should Bur- 
goyne attack that post, or reinforce his own army from 
those posts, should Bur^oj/ne join Sir William Howe. 

In pursuance of this plan, on the last of May, the 
winter encampment at Morristown was broken up, and 
a camp formed at M^ddlebrook, about ten miles 
from Brunswick. The position naturally strong, was 
strengthened by entrenchments. The weak state of 
the American army required tor its safety every ad- 
vantage of ground, as well as the utmost caution of 
the General. On the 20t.h of May, the troops in New 
Jersey, exclusive of cavalry and artillery, amounted 
only to eight thousand three hundred and seventy- 
eight men, of whom more than two thousand were 
sick. Tlie troops of North- Carolina had not then 
joined the army, and about five hundred of the militia 
of Jersey were not included in the estimate. This 
force was in numbers much inferiour to the array com- 
manded by Sir William Howe, and many of the Ame- 
rican.s were recruits, who had never faced an enemy. 

Sir William having collected his force at Brunswick, 
about the middle of June, marched in two columns 
towards the Delaware. By this movement, he expect- 
ed to induce General Washington to quit his fortified 
camp to oppose the enemy's passage of the river, and 
that a general engagemoat would, in consequence, 
take place on ground favourable to the British com- 
mander. General Washington was not ensnared by 
this stratagem. In a letter written at the moment, hi» 
apprehensions of this manoeuvre are thus conveyed. 
*' The views of the enemy nmst be to destroy thiis ar 
11 » 



lf€ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 

my and get possession of Philadelphia, I am, how- 
ever, clearly of opinion that they will not move that 
way, until they have endeavoured to give a severe 
blow to this army. The risk would be too great to at- 
tempt to cross a river ; when they must expect to 
meet a f jrmidable opposition in front, and would have 
such a force as ours in the rear. They might possibly 
be successful, but tlie probability would be infinitely 
agoinst them. Should they be imprudent enough to 
make the attempt, I shall keep close upon their heels, 
and will do every thing in my power to make the pro- 
ject fatal to them." 

" But besides the argument in favour of their intend- 
ing, in the first place, a stroke at this army, drawn 
from the policy of the measure, every appearance con- 
tributes to confirm the opinion. Had their design been 
for the Delaware, in the first instance, they would 
probably have made a secret, rapid march for it, and 
not have halted so as to awaken our attention, and 
give us time to prepare for obstructing them. Instead 
of that, they have only advanced to a position neces- 
sary to facilitate an attack on our right, the part in 
which we are most exposed. In addition to this cir- 
cumstance, they have come out as light as possible ; 
leaving all their baggage, provisions, boats, and bridges 
at Brunswick. This plainly contradicts the idea of 
their intending to push for the Delaware." 

When the British army was collected at Brunswick, 
General Washington knowing that the High lands 
on the Hudson were not exposed, while the enemy 
held that position, ordered a large detachment from 
Peck's Kill to Middlebrook, and he determined to de- 
fend himself in this post. 

Finding that his opponent could not be manoeuvred 
out of his fortified camp, the British commander drew 
back his troops to Staten Island, with <he design to 
embark them for the Delaware or the Chesapeak. 

While these manoeuvres were displaying in New 



J777.J LIFP: of WASHINGTON. Iti7 

Jersey, intelligence was received, that General Bur 
goyne, with a powerful body of troops, was en the 
Lakes, approaching Ticonderoga. General Wash- 
ington immediately for .varded large reinforcements 
to the Northern army. 

Soon after the British transports sailed out of the 
harbour of New-York, an intercepted letter from Ge- 
neral He we to General Burgoyne was put into the hands 
of the Commander in Chief, which contained the in 
formation that, " He was exhibiting the appearance of 
moving to the Southward, while his real intent was 
against Boston, from whence he would co-operate with 
the army of Canada." General Washington viewing 
this letter as a finesse, paid no regard to it. 

Tiie policy of co-operating on the North river with 
the army of Canada, was so evident to tlie military 
mind of the General, that he conceived the movement 
of Howe to be a feint, designed to draw away the 
American army, that the British forces might suddenly 
ascend the Hudson, and seize the passes in the moun- 
tains, lie therefore moved his troops to the neighbour- 
hood of those heights, and there waited the issue of 
Sir William's manreuvre. 

When the apprehension of a sudden attack upon the 
American works on the North river, was removed by 
the length of time Sir William Hov/e had been at sea, 
General Washington marched his army by divisions 
to places which he thought the most favourable to de- 
fend points the enemy might attack. 

While waiting the evolution of the enemy's plan of 
the campaign. General Washington surveyed the 
ground in the neiglibourhood of Philadelphia, that he 
might be thoroughly acquainted with the probable 
scene of approaching military operations On a critical 
examination of the fortifications on the Delaware, ho 
advised Congress to confine the defence of the river to 
Mud Island and Red Bank, because the force for de- 



128 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. illHI 

fence , collected at these points, would produce more 
effect, than it could, divided'upon different parts of the 
river. 

Thf! American army remained quietly in its position 
until the 21st of August. By this time General Wash- 
ington apprehended that General Howe had proceed- 
ed to Charleston, South-Caiolina, and he knew that 
the attempt to follow him to that place would be use- 
less. He therefore resolved to move his army to the 
North river, to assail the enemy at New-York, or to 
join the northern army and oppose Burgoyne. But on 
the very day on which orders to this purpose were is- 
sued, intelligence reached him that Sir William had 
entered the Chesapeak, and was approachir.g its head. 
He had spent more than twenty days in his passage, 
and on the 25th of August, landed without opposition 
at Turkey Point, in Maryland. His force amounted 
to eighteen thousand men, abundantly furnished with 
every article of warfare. 

As soon as General Washington was apprized of 
the destination of the British General, he put his arm/ 
in motion to meet him. He marched through Phila- 
delphia, that a sight of hij forces might make impres- 
sions on the minds of those citizens, who were hostile 
to the American cause. The effective force of Gene- 
ral Washington did not exceed eleven thousand men. 
The militia, on this occasion, turned out in considera- 
ble numbers, but the want of arms rendered the ser- 
rices of many of them useless. 

On the 3d of September, the hostile armies approach- 
ed each other. General Washington, not being in 
force to contend with his foe in the open field, could 
only harass his line of march, with light trocps and 
cavalry, and pick up stragglers from his camp. As 
the Royal troops advanced, Sir William manceuvred 
to gain the right wing of the American army. Gene- 
ral "Washington, to counteract his design, continued 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 129 

to fall back, until he crossed the Brandywino river at 
Chadd's ford. Here he made a stand to dispute its 
pissage by the British. 

The opinion of Congress, and the general sentiment 
of the country, imposed on the General the necessity 
of hazarding a general action at this place, for the de- 
fence of Philadelphia. 

Early in the morning, information was 
Sept. 11. jrought to the Commander in Chief, that 
the British army was advancing in the 
road to Chadd's ford, and he immediately prepared to 
dispute the passage of the river. By ten o'clock the 
light troops were driven over the river to the main 
body of the American army, and it was every moment 
expected that the German General Knj^phausen would 
attempt to force a passage. About noon, intelligence 
was communicated to the General, that a large column 
of the enemy, with a number of field pieces, had 
marched up the country, and fallen into the road which 
crosses the Brandywine above its forks. 

Satisfied of the correctness of this intelligence, he 
detached the right wing of his army to attack the left 
of this column, as it marched down the north side of 
the Brandywine, intending himself, with the centre 
and left wing, to recross the river, and attack the di- 
vision of the enemy at Chadd's ford. While issuing 
orders for the execution of this daring plan, the first 
intelligence was contradicted, and the general was in- 
formed, that the movement of the column towards the 
forks was a feint, and that instead of crossing the ri- 
ver at that place, it had rejoined the German troops at 
Chadd's ford. Under the uncertainty, which this con- 
tradictory intelligence produced, the General pru- 
dently relinquished his design. 

About two o'clock it was ascertained, that Sir Will- 
iam Howe in person had crossed the Brandywine at 
the forks, and was rapidly marching down the North 
side of the river, to attuck the American army. The 



130 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

Commanaer in Chief, now ordered General Sullivan 
to form the right wing to appose the column of Sir 
William. General Waj-nc was directed to remain at 
Chadd's ford with the left wing, to dispute the passage 
of tne river witii Knyphausen. General Green, with 
his division, was posted as a reserve in the centre be- 
tween Sullivan and Wayne, to reinforce either, as cir- 
cumstances might require. General Sullivan march- 
ed up the river, until he found favourable ground, on 
vvliich to form his men ; his left was near the Brandy- 
,vine, acid both llanks were covered with thick wood. 
At half past four o'clock, when his line was scarcely 
formed, the British, under Lord Cornwallis, commenc- 
ed a spirited attack. The action was far some time 
severe ; but the American right, which was not pro- 
perly in order when the assault began, at length gave 
way, and exposed the flank of the troops that maintain- 
their ground, to a destructive fire, and contirming to 
break from the right, the whole line finally gave way. 

As soon as the firing began, General Washington, 
with General Green's division, hastened towards the 
scene of action, but before his arrival, Sullivan was 
routed, and the Commander in Chief could only check 
the pursuit of the enemy, and covered the retreat of 
the beaten troops. 

During these transactions General Knyphausen as- 
saulted the works erected for the defence of Chadd's 
ford, and soon carried them. General Wayne, by this 
time learning the fate of the other divisions, drew off 
his troops. General Washington retreated, with his 
whole force that night to Chester. The American loss 
in this battle was about three hundred killed, and six 
hundred wounded. Four hundred were made priso- 
ners, but these chiefly of the wounded. 

Many of the regiments of infantry, and the whole 
corps of artiller}'', on this occasion, exhibited tlie firm- 
ness and persevering courage that would have honour- 
ed veteran t»-oops. A fo*-v <-orps gave way as soon as 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 131 

pressed by the enemy, and their deficiency exposed 
those who bravely did their duty. General Howe 
statud his loss, in this action, at one hundred killed and 
four hundred wounded. In this battle. Marquis La 
Fayette, who had recently joined the American army, 
was wounded. 

The defeat of Brandywme produced no depression 
of spirits upon Congress, the army, or the country. 
Measures were immediately taken to reinforce the ar- 
my. Fifteen hundred men were marched from Peck's 
Kin, and large detachments of militia ordered into the 
field. The Commander in Chief was empowered to 
impress all horses, wagons, and provisions, necessary 
for the army. In orders, the general expressed his 
his high satisfaction at the behaviour of the body of 
his army in the late engagement. Having allowed his 
troops a short repose, he faced about to meet the ene- 
my, fully resolved to try his fortune in a genoral ac- 
tion, before he resigned Philadelphia to the Pcoyal com 
mander. 

General Washington, perceiving that 
Sept. 15. the enemy were moving into the Lancas- 
ter road, towards the city, took possession 
of ground near the Warren tavern, on the left of the 
British, and twenty-three miles from Philadelphia. 
The protection of his stores at Reading was one object 
of this movement. The next morning he was inform- 
ed of the approach of the British army. He immedi- 
ately put his troops in motion to engage the enemy. 
The ?dvance of the two hostile armies met and began 
to ski-mish, when rain fell, and soon increased to a 
violent storm. This providentially prevented a gene- 
ral engagement, and rendered the retreat of the Ame- 
ricans" absolutely necessary. The Inferiority of the 
muskets in the hands of the American soldiery, which 
had been verified in every action, was strikingly illus- 
trated in this retreat. The gun locks were badly 
made, and the cartridge boxes imperfectly constructed; 



i32 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 

and this storm rendered most of the arms unfit for use ; 
and all the ammunition \va^ damaged. The army was 
of consequence extremely exposed, and their danger 
oecame the greater, as many of the soldiers were des- 
titute of bayonets. Fortunately the tempest, which 
produced such serious mischief to the Americans, pre- 
vented the pursuit of the British. 

General Washington, finding his troops unfitted for 
action, relinquished, from necessity, the immediate in- 
tention of a battle, and continued his retreat through 
the day, and most of the night, amidst a cold and tem- 
pestuous rain, and in very deep roads. On a full dis- 
covery of the extent of the damage to the arras and 
ammunition, the General ascended the Schuylkill, and 
crossed it at Warwick furnace, to obtain a fresh sup- 
ply of ammunition, and to refit or replace the defective 
muskets. He s'all resolved to risk a general engage- 
ment, for the safety of the capital. He re- 
Sept. 19. crossed the Schuylkill at Parker's ferry, 
and encamped east of that river, on both 
sides of Parkyomy creek, and detachments were post- 
ed at the different fords, at which the enemy might at- 
tempt to force a passage. As the British army ap- 
proached the river, General Washington posted his 
army in their front ; but, instead of forcing a passage, 
Sir William moved rapidly up the road towards Read- 
ing. The American Commander, supposing that his 
object was to destroy the military stores at that place, 
and to turn the right flank of the American army, 
marched up the river to Pottsgrove, leaving the lower 
rond to the city open to his antagonist. Sir William 
Hows availed himself of the opportunity, and on the 
2'^th, entered Philadelphia in triumph. 

General Wasijington had seasonably taken the pre- 
caution to remove the publick stores from the city, 
and to secure for the use of the army, thnse articles 
of meichandise, which their wants rendered of prima- 
ry necessity. Colonel Hamilton, then one of General 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOlS. rj3 

Washington's aids, had been sent into the »)ity on 
this important business. By his instructions he was 
directed to proceed in his requisitions upon the stores 
and shops of Philadelphia cautiously but effectually. 
" Your own prudence will point out the least excep- 
tionable means to be pursued, but remember delicacy, 
and a strict adherence to the ordinary mode of appli 
cation, must give place to our necessities. We must, 
if possible, accommodate the soldiers with such arti 
cles as they stand in need of; or we shall have just 
reason to apprehend the most injurious and alarming 
consequences from the approaching season." 

From the landing of the British army at the head of 
the Elk, on the 25th of Au^^ust, to the 26th of Sep- 
tember, when they entered Philadelphia, the American 
troops had encountered a continued series of active 
operations, and the duty of the General was compli- 
cated and arduous. During this time, the soldier.s 
were destitute of baggage, insufficiently supplied with 
provisions, and deprived of the comforts that adminis- 
ter to the support of the human frame under severe 
fatigue. Without covering, they were exposed to 
' heavy rains, and obliged to march, many of them 
without shoes, in deep roads, and to ford considerable 
streams. 

The best British writers, who have given us a his- 
tory of the revolutionary war, highly applaud the ge- 
neralship of Sir William Howe in this part of the 
campaign. Can they then withhold applause from the 
American Commander, who manoeuvred an inferiour 
army in the face of the British General, and detained 
him thirty days, in marching sixty miles, from the 
heri(i of Elk river to Philadelphia, in a country, in 
which there was not one fortified post, nor a stream 
that might not, at -this season be every where forded , 
who fought one battle, and altliough Deaten, in five 
days again faced his enemv wiiJi the intention to risk 
a general engagement ; who, when in the moment of 

Vol.. I. ' 12 



134 LIFE OF WASHlNGTOrs. [1777 

cation, was providentially obliged to retreat, with mus- 
kets and ammunition unfiufor use, extricated himself 
from his perilous situation and once more placed him- 
self in fiont of the invading foe ; who at last was In* 
duccd to open the Philadelphia road to the British Ge- 
neral, not because he was beaten in the field, but 
through the influence of circumstances, v;hich no 
military address could counteract. 

Four regiments of grenadiers were posted in Phila- 
delphia, and the other corps of the British army were 
cantoned at Germantown. The first object of Sir 
AVilliam was to subdue the defences and remove the 
impediments of the Delaware, that a communication 
might be opened with the British shipping. General 
Washington made every etfort to prevent the execu- 
tion of the enemy's design, in the hope of forcing Ge- 
neral Howe out of Philadelphia, by preventing sup- 
plies of provisions from reaching liim. Of the attain- 
ment of this important object, he had no doubt, could 
the passage of the Delaware be rendered impractica- 
ble. To this purpose works had been erected on a 
bank of mud and sand in the river, near the conflu- 
ence of the Schuylkill, and about seven miles below 
Philadelphia. The place, from these works, was de- 
nominated Fort Island, and the works themselves Fort 
Mifiilin. On a neck of land on the opposite shore of 
New-Jersey, called Red Bank, a fort was constructed 
and mounted with heavy artillery, and called Fort 
Mercer. Fort Island and Red Bank, were distant 
from each other half a mile. In the channel of the 
Delaware, which ran between them, two ranges of 
Chevauxdefrise were sunk. These consisted of large 
pieces of timber, strongly framed together, and point- 
ed with iron, and they completely obstructed the pas- 
sage of ships. These works were covered by several 
aralleys, floating batteries, and armed ships. 

Sir William Howe having detached a considerable 
force from Germantown to operate aojainst the works 



1777] 1.IFE OF WASHINGTON. J35 

on the Delaware, General Washington thought this 
a favourable opportunity to attack the British army in 
their cantonments. The line of the British encamp- 
ment crossed the villa.'Tb of Germantown at right 
angles, near its centre ; and its flanks were strongly 
covered. 

General Washington now commanded a force con- 
sisting of about eight thousand continental troops and 
three thousand militia. The General's plan was to 
attack both wings of the enemy in front, and rear at 
the same time. The arrangements having been made, 
the army was moved near the scene of action on the 
evening of the 4th of October. The divisions of Sul- 
livan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's Brigade, were 
to enter Germantown by the way of Chestnut Hill, 
and attack the left wing of the British. General Arm- 
strong with the Pennsylvania militia was ordered to 
fall down the Manatawny road, and turning the British 
left flank, attack its rear. Tlie divisions of Green and 
Stephen, flanked by M Dougal's Brigade, were to take 
a circuit by the way of Limekiln road, and entering at 
the market-house, attack the right wing. The militia 
of Maryland and New-Jersey, under General Small- 
wood and General Forman, were to march down the 
old York road, and fall upon the rear of the British 
right. The division of Lord Sterling, and the bri- 
gades of Nash and Maxwell were to form a corps do 
reserve. 

About sunrise the next morning, the from 
Oct. 8. of General Sullivan's column, which l.ie 
Commander in Chief accompanied, drove iv 
the British piquet at Mount Airy. The main body ot 
this division soon engaged the British light infantry 
and the fortieth regiment of foot, and obliged them to 
give way, leaving all their baggage behind. General 
Green in half an hour after Sullivan reached the 
ground of action, attacked and drove in the troops in 
front of tlie rip;lit wing f^f the enemy. Several brigades 



1S(y LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

of Sullivan's and of Green's divisions penetrated the 
town. The enemy appeared to be surprised, and a 
fair prospect of eventual success in the assault pre- 
sented itself to the mind of tlie American General. 

The flattering expectations, which the successful 
commencement of the enterprise excited, were soon 
succeeded by disappointment and mortification. As 
the British retreated before General Sullivan's divi- 
sion, Colonel Musgrave took post with six companies 
of light troops in a stone house, from which he severe- 
vercly galled the Americans in their advance. At- 
tempts were made to dislodge him, but they proved 
ineffectual, and the American line was checked and 
thrown into disorder. The morning being extremely 
foggy, the Americans could neither perceive the situa- 
tion of t^e enemy, nor take advantage of their own 
success. The ground to which some of the British 
corps was pursued had many enclosures, which broke 
the American line of march, and some of the regi- 
ments, in their ardour to push forward, separated from 
their brigades, were surrounded and taken prisoners 
In the moment of supposed victory, the troops retreat 
(id, and the efforts of their Generals to rally them, 
were fruitless. The militia were never seriously 
brought into action. General Washington, perceiv- 
ing that victory had, on this occasion, eluded his grasp, 
contented himself with a safe and honourable retreat. 

In this bold assault, two hundred Americans were 
killed, six hundred wounded, and four hundred taken 
prisoners. Among the killed was Brigadier General 
Nash. The British loss was one hundred killed and 
four hundred wounded. Among the killed were Bri- 
gadier Agnew and Colonel Bird. This enterprise, as 
far as the Commander in Chief was concerned in it, 
was honourable. Its ultimate failure must be attributed 
to the want of discipline and experience in his men 
Congress fully approved of the plan o*^ this assault, 
and applauded the courage displayed in ts execution 



i777.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON i37 

They voted their thanks to the General, and to the 
army. 

The works in the Delaware now engaged the atten- 
tion of the British and American Generals. Sir Will- 
iam Howe broke up his encampment at Germantown, 
and moved his whole army into Philadelphia. Ge- 
neral Washington placed confidential garrisons in 
Fort Mercer at Red Bank, and in Fort Mifflin on Mud 
Island, but he had not a force equal to their complete 
defence. He appointed detachments to intercept tho 
transportation of provisions from the British shjps be 
low the American works to Philadelphia. He called 
upon the government of New- Jersey to turn out the 
militia of that state, to form a camp in the rear of Red 
Bank ; and he set patroles of militia on the roads 
leading to Philadelphia, both in Pennsylvania and New- 
Jersey, to prevent the disaffected inhabitants from 
carrying their articles into the market of Philadelphia. 
To avail himself of any favourable opportunity to an- 
noy the enemy, he moved his army to White Marsh, 
distant only fifteen miles from the city. 

Lord Howe, by continued exertion, having over- 
come the obstructions which the Americans had 
placed in the river at Billingsport, a joint attack by 
sea ard land was planned against Red Bank and Fort 
Island. The Augusta, a sixty-four gun ship, the Mer- 
lin frigate, and several small armed vesssels moved 
up the Delaware to assault the works on Fort or Mud 
Island. Count Donop crossed into Npw-Jersey with 
twelve hundred Germans, and in the evening of the 

22d appeared before Fort Mercer, on Red 
Oct. 22. Bank. His assault was highly snirited, and 

the defence intrepid and obstinate Coloiiei 
Green the commandant, whose garrison did not exceed 
five hundred men, was unable to man the outworks. 
From these he galled the Germans in their advance, 
and on their near approach he quitted them, and re- 
tired within tlie inner intrenchments. The enemy 
12* 



133 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 

pressed forward wilh undaunted bravery, and Iho 
Americans poured upon tlrem a deadly fire. Count 
Donop was himself mortally wounded at the head 
of his gallant corps ; the second in command soon 
after fell, and the third immediately drew off his 
forces. 

The assailants had four hundred men killed and 
wounded. The garrison fighting under cover, had 
only thirty killed and wounded. Had the camp of 
militia been formed in the rear of Red Bank, agreeably 
to General Washington's desire, this whole corps 
would probably have been made prisoners. 

In the mean time, Fort Mifflin was attacked by the 
shipping, and by batteries erected on the Pennsylvania 
shore. Incessant vollies of bombs and cannon balls 
were discharged upon it. But at ebb tide the Augus- 
ta and Merlin grounded, and were burnt. The garri- 
son supported this tremendous fire without material 
Injury. 

The resistance of the forts on the Delaware far ex- 
ceeding the expectations of the British commanders, 
they adopted measures to overcome it, without the 
hazard of a second assault. They erected batteries 
upon Province Island, within five hundred yards of the 
American fort. They also brought up their shipping, 
gun boats, &c. and from the 10th to the 16th of Novem- 
ber, battered the American works. Ty this time the 
defences were entirely beaten down, every piece of 
cannon was dismounted, and one of the ships approach- 
ed so near Fort Mifilin as to throw hand grenades from 
her tops into it, which killed men upon the platform. 
The brave garrison received orders to quit the post. 
Red Bank being no longer useful, its garrison and 
stores were also withdrawn on the approach of t^ord 
Cornwallis with five thousand men to invest it. 

While these transactions were going on, the enter- 
prising spirit of the Commander in Chief was employ- 
ed to explore an opening through which to attack his 



1777] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139 

adversary He clearly saw the importance of driving 
^he British from Province Island ; but fifteen hundrea 
nen, in the opinion of his general officers, were ne- 
iessary to effect this object. This detachment could 
each the place of assault only by marching down a 
leck of land six miles in length almost in sight of the 
British General, who might easily cut off the retreat 
i)f the American detachment, unless it should be pro- 
tected by a strong covering part3^ To furnish thi« 
party, General Wasfjington must expose his army 
with all his stores and artillery to Sir William. Or, 
if he moved his whole army over the Schuylkill, all 
the magazines and hospitals in his rear, might without 
opposition be seized. Red Bank would also be expos- 
ed, through which reinforcements of men, and supplies 
of ammunition and provisions passed to Fort Island. 
He was therefore constrained to watch tiie progress of 
his enemy, without making efficient attempts to check 
him. 

The fortifications of the Delavv-are being surmount- 
ed, the impediments in the cliannel of the river were, 
without great difficulty, removed. In six weeks of in- 
cessant effort, the British commanders gained the free 
navigation of the Delaware, and opened the commu- 
nication between their fleet and army. 

During the excursion of Lord Cornwallis into New- 
Jersey, with a design to invest Fort Mercer, General 
Washington was urged to attack Philadelphia. The 
wishes of Congress, and the expectation of the publick, 
gave weight to the proposed measure. The plan was, 
that General Green should silently fall down the Dela- 
ware, at a specified time, attack the rear of General 
Howe, and gain pos,session of the bridge over the 
Schuylkill ; that a powerful force should march down 
on the west side of that river, and from the heights in- 
filade the British works on that side, while the Com- 
mander in Cliief, with the main body of the army, 
Bhould attack fourteen redoubts, and the lines of the 



140 LIFt: OF WASHINGTON. [1777. 

enemy extending from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, 
which constituted their defence in front. 

The sound mind of General Washington was not 
so much dazzled by a prospect of the brilliance and 
fame which the success of this enterprise would throw 
around himself, and his army, as to engage in the des- 
perate attempt. Nor was he disposed to sacrifice the 
safety of his country, upon the altar of publick opinion. 
He gave the following reasons for rejecting the plan j 
that the army in Philadt'lphia was in number at least 
equal to his own ; it could not reasonably be expected, 
that the several corps engaged, could co-operate in that 
joint and prom.pt manner, which was necessary to suc- 
cess ; in all probability the movement of General 
Green could not be made in the face of a vigilant ene- 
my without discovery, which was essential — if the se- 
veral divisions were in the onset successful, the re- 
doubts taken, the lines surmounted, and the Briti&h 
army driven within the city, the assault then must be 
extremely hazardous ; an artillery superiour to their 
own, would be planted to play upon the front of the 
assailing columns, and the brick houses would be lined 
with a formidable infantry, to thin their flanks ; a de- 
feat, which, calculating upon the scale of probability 
must be expected, would ruin the army, and open the 
country to the depredation of the enemy ; the hardy 
enterprises and stubborn conflicts of two campaigns, 
had given the British general only the command of 
two or three towns, protected in a great measure by 
ihe shipping, why then forego the advantage of con- 
fining the British army in narrow quarters, to olaco 
the stores in camp, and the very independence of 
America at risk upon this forlorn hope. The General 
was supported in his opinion by those officers in whoso 
judgment he placed the most confidence, and he dis- 
regarded the clamours of ignorance and rashriess. 

On the 4th of December, Sir William Howe march- 
ed his v/hole armv out of Philadelphia to White Marsh. 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 141 

the encampment of General Washington. He took 
a position on Chestnut Hill in front of the American 
right wing. Mr. Stedman, a British historian, of the 
revolutionary Avar, who at this time was with Sir Will- 
iam, states his force at fourteen thousand men. The 
Continental troops at White Marsh amounted to about 
twelve thousand, and the militia to three. The ground 
of the Americans was strong, but no fortifications had 
been erected. Never before had General W ashington 
met his enemy in this manner, vvath a superiority of 
numbers. He wished to be attacked, but was not dis- 
posed to relinquish the advantage of ground. 

The British Commander spent the 6th in recon- 
noitring the American right. At night he marched to 
their left on the hill, which here approached nearer 
to their camp, and took a good position within a mile 
of it. The next day he advanced further to the 
American left, and in doing it approached still nearer 
this wing. General Washington made some changes 
in the disposition of his troops to oppose with a greater 
force the attack he confidently expected on his left. 
Momentarily expecting the assault, he rode through 
each brigade of the army, with perfect composure, giv- 
ing his orders, animating his men to do tlieir duty to 
their country, and exhorting them to depend principally 
on the bayonet. During these manceuv^res, some sharp 
skirmishing took place. At evening the disposition of 
General Howe indicated the design to attack the next 
morning. The American Commander impatiently 
waited the assault, promising himself some compensa- 
tion for the disasters of the campaign in the issue of 
this battle. But his hopes were disappointed. On the 
afternoon of the eighth. Sir William returned to Phi- 
ladelphia, with such rapidity as not to be overtaken by 
the American light troops, which were sent out to ha 
rass his rear. 

Sir William Howe mov»>d out of Philadelphia with 
H professed d- sign to aitaivk General Washington 



142 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 

and to drive him over the mountain. He must have 
felt mortification in receding from this intention, and 
bj' it acliuowiedging in the face of the world, the re- 
spect he entertained for the military talents of his op- 
ponent, and proclaiming his reluctance to engage an 
American army of equal numbers, unless lie could 
command the ground of action. 

The American troops were badly clothed, and were 
generally destitute of blankets. TJie winter setting in 
with severity, it became necessary to lodge them in 
winter quarters. The General had revolved the sub- 
ject in his mind, and weighed all its difficulties. Should 
he quarter his army in villages, his men would be ex- 
posed to the destructive enterprises of partisan British 
corps, and a large district of country would be opened 
to the forage of the enemy. To remedy these dangers 
and inconveniences, the General resolved to march his 
army to Valley Forge, a strong position back of Phila- 
delphia, covered with wood, and there shelter them. 
On the march to the place, for the first time the dispo- 
sition for the winter was aimounced. He applauded 
the past fortitude of the army, and exhorted them to 
bear their approacliing hardships with the resolution 
of soldiers, assuring them that the publick good, and 
not his inclination, imposed them. The men bore their 
temporary sufferings with patience. They felled trees, 
and of logs built themselves huts, closing their cre- 
vices with mortar, and soon assumed the form and or- 
der of an encampment. Light troops were stationed 
around Philadelphia to straiten the enemy's quarters, 
and to cut off their communication with those of the 
couMitry who were disposed to supply them with pro- 
vision. 

On the 22d. of December the Commissary announc- 
ed the alarming fact, that the last rations in store had 
been served to the troops. A small number of the 
men discovered a disposition to mutiny at a privation 
^or which they could not a£*^.uunt, but in the criminal 



777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 143 

jnattention of their country ; but the majority of the 
army submitted to the scarcity without a murmur. 
General Washington ordered the country to be scour 
ed, and provisions to be seized wherever they could be 
found. At the same time he stated the situation of 
the army to Congress, and warned that body of the 
dangerous consequences of this mode of obtaining sup- 
plies. It was calculated he said, to ruin the discipline 
of the soldiers, and to raise in them a disposition for 
plunder and licentiousness. It must create in thi 
minds of the inhabitants jealousy and dissatisfaction 
" I regret the occasion which compelled me to the 
measure the other day, and shall consider it among 
the greatest of our misfortunes to be under the neces- 
sity of practising" it again. I am now obliged to keep 
several parties from the army threshing grain, that 
our supplies may not fail, but this will not do." — Dur 
ing the whole winter, the sufferings of the troops at 
Valley Forge were extreme. 



CHAPTER V. 

Progress and Issue of the Northern Campaign — Plan to displace 
General Washington — His Correspondence on the Subject — Let- 
ter of General Gates — Remonstrance of the Legislature of Penn- 
sylvania against closing the Campaign — Observations of the Com- 
mander in Chief upon it — Sufferings of the Army for the want of 
Provisions and Clothing — Measures adopted by the Commander 
in Chief to obtain Supplies — Methods taken to Recruit the Army 
•-Sir Henry Clinton appointed Commander in Chief of the British 
Forces — He evacuates Philadelphia, and marches through New- 
Jersey to New-Vork — General Washington pursues him — Battle 
of Monmouth — Thanks of Congress to the General and Army — 
General Lee censured — He demands a Court Martial, and is sus- 
pended from his command — French Fleet appears on the Ameri- 
can Coast — Expedition against Rhode-Island — It fails— Disaffec- 
tion between the American and French Officers — Measures of the 
Commander in Chief to prevent the ill Consequences of it — Army 
goes into Winter duarters in the High Lands. 

1777. During these transactions in the middle 
States, the northern campaign had terminated in the 
capture of General Burgovne and army. That de- 



144 LIFE OF VVASHINGTON. [1777. 

partmont bad ever been considered as a separate eom- 
niaud, and more particularly under the direction of 
Conorrcss. But tiie opinion of the Commander in 
Chief had been consulted 'ih many of its transactions, 
and most of its details had passed through his hands. 
Through him that army had been supplied with the 
greater part of its artillery, ammunition, and nro- 
visions. 

Upon the loss of Ticonderoga, and the disastrous 
e^ents which followed it, he exerted himself to stop 
the career of General Burgoyne, although by this ex- 
ertion, he weakened himself in his conflict with Sir 
William Howe. Without waiting for the order of 
Congress, in his own name he called out the militia of 
New-England, and directed General Lincoln to com- 
mand them. Strong detachments were sent to the 
northward from his own army. General Arnold, who 
had already greatly distinguished himself in the field, 
was sent at the head of these reinforcements, in the 
expectation that his influence would do much to re- 
animate the northern forces and inspirit them to noble 
exertions. Soon after Colonel Morgan with his regi- 
ment, the best partisan corps in the American army, 
was also detached to that service. General Was.i- 
ISGTOX encoarag-ed General Schuyler to look forward 
to brighter fortune. " The evacuation of Ticondero- 
ga and Mount Independence," said he, in a letter to 
that General, " is an event of chagrin and surprise, 
not apprehended, nor within the compass of my rea- 
soning. This stroke is severe indeed, and has dis- 
tressed us much. But notwithstanding things at pre- 
sent wear a dark and gloomy aspect, I hope a spirited 
opposition will check the progress of General Bur- 
goyne's arms, and that the confidence derived from 
success will hurry him into measures, that will in 
their consequences be favourable to us. We should 
never despair. Our situation has before been unpro- 
misLitg, but has changed foi- tlie better, so 1 trust it 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 146 

will again, [f new difficulties arise, we must only put 
forth new exertions, and proportion our efForts to the 
exigency of the times." When informed by General 
Schuyler, that Burgoyne had divided his force to act 
in different quarters, General Washington foresaw 
the consequences, and advised to the measures that 
proved fatal to that commander. '' Although our af- 
fairs," replied he to General Schuyler, " have some 
days past worn a dark and gloomy aspect, I yet look 
forward to a fortunate and happy issue. I trust Gene- 
ral Burgoyne's army will sooner or later, experience 
an effectual check ; and, as I suggested before, that 
the success he had will precipitate his ruin. From 
your account he appears to be pursuing that line of 
conduct, which of a!l others is most favourable to us ; 
I mean acting by detachments. This conduct will 
certainly give room for enterprise on our part, and ex- 
pose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so hap- 
py as to cut one of them off, thnuffh it should not ex- 
ceed four, five, or six nundred men, it would inspirit 
the people, and do away much of tlieir present anxiety. 
In such an event, they would lose sight of past miu- 
fortunes ; and, urged at the same time by a regard to 
their own security, they would fly to arms and afford 
every aid in their power." 

The community was not intimately acquainted with 
the state of things in the northern department. In 
consequence, strong prejudices were excited against 
General Schuyler. On account of this popular preju- 
dice. Congress conceived it prudent to change the 
General of this army, and the Commander in Chief 
was requested to nominate a successor to General 
Schuyler. Through delicacy he declined this nomi- 
nation ; but never did the semblance of envy at 
the good fortune of General Gates, whom Congress 
appointed, appear in any part of General Washing- 
ton's conduct. His patriotism induced him to aid thi« 
subordinate General by every means in his power, and 

Vol. 1. 13 



146 LIFE OF WASHES' GTOiN. [l''?- 

the successes of the northern army filled his heart 
with undissembled joy 

This magnanimity was not in every instance repaid. 
The brilliant issue of the northern campaign in 1777, 
cast a glory around General Gates, and exalted his mili- 
tary reputation. During his separate command, some 
parts of his conduct did not correspond with the ingenu- 
ousness and delicacy with which he had been treated 
by the Commander in Chief After the action of the 
19th of September, when it was ascertained that Ge- 
neral Gates's force was superiour to that of the British 
General, and was increasing, General Washington 
apprehended that General Gates might return hira 
Colonel Morgan's corps, whose services he greatly 
needed while the enemy was marching through Penn- 
sylvania. But unwilling absolutely to order the re- 
turn of Morgan, he stated that General Ho\ve was 
pressing him with a superiour force, and left General 
Gates to act in the concern according to his discretion. 
General Gates retained the corps, and mentioned as 
his reason, " Since the action of the 19t]i the ene- 
my have kept the ground they occupied on the morn- 
ing of that day and fortified their camp. The ad- 
vance sentries of my piquets are posted within shot, 
and opposite those of the enemy. Neither side has 
given ground an inch. In this situation your Excel- 
lency would not wish me to part with the corps, the 
army of General Buvgoyne is most afraid of" He 
neglected to inform the Commander in Chief of his 
subsequent successes over the enemy. 

When the intelligence of the surrender of the British 
army reached head quarters, the Commander in Chief 
despatched Colonel Hamilton, one of his aids, io Gene- 
eral Gates, to state his own critical situation, ai^d make 
known his earnest wishes, that reinforcements should 
be forvv'arded to him with the utmost expedition. Colo- 
nel Hamilton found that General Gates had retained 
four Brigades at Albany with a design to attack licon- 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 147 

deroga in the course of the next winter. With difficulty 
and delay he obtained an order to move three Brigades. 

Colonel Hamilton was also charged with a similar 
message to General Putnam in the High Lands, and 
directed to accelerate the movement of reinforcements 
from that post. But General Putnam in view of an 
attempt upon New-York discovered a disposition to 
retain under his command that portion of the northern 
armj which had been sent to the High Lands. Colonel 
Hamilton was obliged to borrow money of General 
Clinton, Governour of the state of New-York, to fit 
the troops of General Putnam to begin their march. 
These obstructions and delays in the execution of 
General Washington's orders, prevented his being 
reinforced in season to attack Lord Cornwallis, while 
in New-Jersey, and probably occasioned the loss of 
Fort Mifflin and P..ed Bank. 

The different termination of the campaigns of 1777 
at the North, and in the Middle states, furnished the 
ignorant and factious part of tho community with an 
opportunity to clamour against the Commander in 
Chief Their murmurs emboldened several members 
of Congress, and individual gentlemen in different 
parts of tho United States, to adopt measures to sup- 
plant General Washington, and to raise General 
Gates to the supreme command of the American ar- 
mies. 

In the prosecution of this scheme, pieces artfully 
written, were published in Newspapers in different 
places, tending to lessen the military character of Ge- 
neral Washington, an:i to prepare the publick for the 
contemplated change in the head of the military de- 
partment. Generals Gates and Mifilin, and Brigadier 
Conway, entered into the intrigue. Conway was an 
Irishman, who had been in the service of France, and 
on the recommendation of Mr. Silas Deane was com- 
missioned by Congress. The influence of the party 
m Congress opposed to General Washington, appears 



148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 

by a number of the publick transactions of that body. 
A board of war was instituted and General Gates 
placed at its head, Conway was raised over every other 
Brigadier, and appointed inspector of the army. 

These machinations to tarnish the character of the 
Commander in Chief were known to him, but he si- 
lently noticed their operation. The good of his coun- 
try was with him paramount to all other considera- 
tions, and he stifled his just indignation and left his 
reputation to rest on his own merits, lest the open dis 
sension of the civil and military ministers of the revo 
lution should endanger the publick interest. 

At length, the presumption of his enemies, forced 
him into an expression of his feelings on the subject. 
The following correspondences give a general view 
of the progress of their measures Mr. Lawrens, 
President of Congress, in a private letter communi- 
cated to the General information of an anonymous 
complaint laid before him, in his official capacity, con- 
taining high charges against General Washington, to 
which he replied : 

" I cannot sufficiently exjjress the obligation I feel 
towards you, for your friendship and politeness upon 
an occasion in which I am so deeply interested. I was 
not unapprized that a malignant factior* had been for 
some time forming, to my prejudice, which, conscious 
as I am of having ever done all in my power to an- 
swer the important purposes of the trust reposed in 
me, could not but give me some pain on a personal ac- 
coimt ; but my chief concern arises from an appre- 
hension of the dangerous consequences, which intes- 
tine dissensions may produce to the common catise. 

" As I have no other view than to promote the pub- 
lick good, and am unambitious of honours not founded 
on the approbation of my country, I would not desire 
in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry 
into any part of my conduct, that even faction itself 
may deem reprehensible. The anon3'^moua paper 



J777.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 140 

banded you. ex.'ubits many serious charges, and it is 
mv vvisn that it may bo submitted to Congress. This 
I am more inclined to, as the suppression, or conceal- 
ment, may possibly involve you in embarrassments 
hereafter, since it is uncertain how many, or who, 
may be privy to the contents. 

" My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. 
They know the delicacy of my situation, and that mo- 
tives of policy deprive me of the defence I might 
otherwise make against their insidious attacks. They 
know I cannot combat their insinuations, however in- 
jurious, without disclosing secrets, it is of the utmost 
moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be 
exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated 
station ? Merit and talents, which 1 cannot pretend to 
rival, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me 
it has been my unremitted aim to do the best, which 
circumstances would permit ; yet I may have been 
very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, 
and may, in many instances, deserve the imputation 
of errour." 

To a friend in New-England, who expressed by let- 
ter his anxiety in consequence of a report that he vas 
about to resign his commission, he wrote : 

'' I can assure you that no person ever heard me 
drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. 
The same principles that led me to embark in the op- 
position to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, ope- 
rate with additional force at this day ; nor is it my de- 
sire to withdraw my services while they are consider- 
ed of importance in the present contest ; but to report 
a design of this kind, is among the arts, which those 
who are endeavouring to effect a change, are prac- 
tising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do 
say, that there is not an officer in the service of the 
United States, that would return to the sweets of do- 
mestick life with more heartfelt joy than 1 snould. 
But I would h'-'ve ♦Ills declaration accompanied bv 
13* 



150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 

these sentiments, that while the publick are satisfied 
with my endeavours, I mean not to shrir.k from the 
cause : but the moment her voice, nut that of faction, 
calls upon me to resign, 1 shall do it with as much 
pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest." 

His friend Mr. Patrick Henry, then Governour of 
Virginia, informed him of the intrigues that were go- 
ing on in his native state. To which he replied : 

" The anonymous letter v.'ith which you were 
pleased to favour me, was written by **«^*'^'^* so far as 
I can judge from the similitude of hands. 

" My caution to avoid any thing that could injure 
the service, prevented me from communicating, ex- 
cept to a very few of my friends, the intrigues of a 
faction which I knew was formed against me, since it 
might serve to pul)lish our internal dissensions, but 
their own restless zeal to advance tlieir views has too 
clearly betrayed them, and made concealment on my 
part fruitless. I cannot precisely mark the extent of 
their views, but it appeared m general, that General 
Gates was to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation 
and influence. This I am authori2ed to say from un- 
deniable facts in my possession, from publications the 
evident scope of which could not be mistaken, and from 
private detractions industriously circulated. ***»******^ 
it is commonly supposed, bore the second part in the 
cabai ; and General Conway, I know, was a very active 
and malignant partisan ; but I have good reason to be- 
lieve that their machinations have recoiled most sensi- 
bly upon themselves." 

General Gates learning that a passage in a letter 
from Brigadier Conway to him had been communi- 
cated to the Commander in Chief, wrote the follow- 
ing letter, as extraordinary for the manner of its con- 
veyance, as for the matter it contains. 

" I shall not attempt to describe, what, as a private 
jentleman, I cannot hcV -• :.i:-^ sn representing to 



J777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 151 

my mind, the disagreeable situation, which confidential 
letters, when exposed to publick inspection, may place 
an unsuspecting correspondent in ; but, as a publick 
officer, I conjure your Excellency to give me all the 
assistance you can, in tracing out the author of the in- 
fidelity, which put extracts froin General Conway's 
letters to me into your hands. Those letters have 
been stealingly copied ; but which of them, when, or 
by whom, is t^ me as yet an unfathomable secret. 

" There is not one officer in my suite, or among 
those who have a free access to me, upon whom I 
could with the least justification to myself, fix the sus- 
picion ; and yet my uneasiness may deprive me of the 
usefulness of the worthiest men. It is, I believe, in 
your Excellency's power to do me, and the United 
States, a very important service, by detecting a wretch 
who may betray me, and ccpitally injure the very ope- 
rations under your immediate direction. For this 
reason, sir, I beg your Excellency would favour me 
with the proofs you can procure to that eflfect. But 
the crime being eventually so important, that the 
least loss of time may be attended with the worst con- 
sequences ; and it being unknown to me whether the 
letter came to you from a member of Congress, or 
from an officer, I shall have the honour of transmit- 
ting a copy of this to the President, that Congress 
may, in concert with your Excellency, obtain, as soon 
as possible, a discovery which so deeply aflTccts the 
safety of the States. Crimes of that magnitude ought 
not to remain unpunished." 

To which the General with dignity replied. 

" Your letter of the 18th ultimo, came to my hands 
a few days ago, and to my great siirpiise informed me, 
that a copy of it had been sent to Congress, for what 
reason, I find myself unable to account ; but as some 
end doubtless was intended to be answered by it, I am 
laid under the disagreeable necessity of returning my 
answer through the same channel, lest any member of 



153 LIFE OF WASHINGTON ^1777 

that honourable body should harbour an unfavourable 
suspicion of my having practised some indirect means 
CO come at the contents of the confidential letters be- 
tween you and General Conway. 

" I am to inform you then, that **«*«***«, on his 
way to Congress, in the month of October last, fell in 
with Lord Sterling at Reading ; and, not in confidence 
that I ever understood, informed his Aid de camp, 
Major jM Williams, that General Conway had written 
thus to you, ' Heaven has been determined to save your 
country, or a weak General and bad Counsellors would 
have ruined it.' Lord Sterling, from motives of friend- 
ship, transmitted the account with this remark. ' The 
enclosed was communicated by ******** to Major 
M'Williams ; such wicked duplicity of conduct, I shall 
always think it my duty to detect." 

" La consequence of thi? infor;nation, and without 
having any thing more in view, than merely to show 
that gentleman that I was not unapprized of his in- 
triguing disposition,! wrote him a letter in these words. 

'•'■ Sir, a letter which I received last night, contained 
the following paragraph. 

" In a letter from General Conway to General 
Gates, he says, ' heaven has been determined to save 
your country ; or a weak General and bad Counsel- 
lors would have ruined it ; I am, sir, &c.' 

" Neither the letter, nor the information which oc- 
casioned it, was ever directly, or indirectly, communi- 
cated by me to a single officer in this army (out of my 
own family) excepting the Marquis de la Fayette, who 
having been spoken to on the subject, by General 
Conway, applied for, and saw, under injunctions of se- 
crecy, the letter which contained this information ; so 
desirous was I of concealing every matter that could, 
in its consequences, give the smallest interruption to 
the tranquillity of this army, or afford a gleam of 
hope to the enemy by dissensions therein. 

'' Thus, sir, with an openness and candour, which I 



1 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 

hope will ever characterize and mark my conduct, 
have I complied with your request. 

'• The only concern I feel upon the occasion, finding 
how matters stand, is, that, in doing this, I have neces- 
sarily been obliged to name a gentleman, who, I am 
persuaded, (although I never exchanged a word with 
him upon the subject) thought he was rather doing an 
act of justice, than committing an act of infidelity ; and 
sure 1 am, ti^at until Lord Sterling's letter came to my 
hands, I never knew that General Conway, (whom I 
viewed in the light of a stranger to you) was a corre- 
spondent of yours, much less did I suspect that I was 
the subject of your confidential letters. Pardon me 
then for adding, that, so far from conceiving that the 
safety of the States can be affected, or in the smallest 
degree injured, by a discovery of this kind, or that I 
should be called upon in such solemn terms to point 
out the author, that I considered the information as 
coming from yourself, and given with a friendly view 
to forewarn and consequently forearm me, against a se 
cret enemy, or in other words, a dangerous incendiary, 
in which character, sooner or later, this country will 
know General Conway. But, in this, as well as other 
matters of late, I have found myself mistaken." 

In the active period of the last campaign, the Penn 
sylvanians had been deficient in the support given to 
General Washington, yet sore at the loss of their 
capital, and at the depredation of the enemy in their 
towns, they murmured that he had not defended them 
against Sir William Howe, although his force was 
greatly inferiour to that of the enemy. General Mif- 
flin was then a member of the liCgislature of that 
State. This Legislature bcincr informed that the 
American army was moving into winter quarters, pre- 
sented a remonstrance to Congress against the mea- 
sure, in which unequivocal complaints were contained 
against the Commander in Chief This remonstrance 
was presented at the very time the discover/ was 



154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. i.l777 

made, that the last rations in the Commissary's atorea 
were istuec? to the soldiery. General Washington 
expressed the feelings of his patriotick and noble mind 
on this complaint, in a letter addressed to the President 
of Congress, and written in language which he used on 
no otlier occasion. 

" Full as I was in my representations of the matters 
ill the Commissary's department yesterday, fresh and 
more powerful reasons oblige me to add, that I am 
now convinced beyond a doubt, that unless some great 
and capital change suddenly takes place in that line, 
this army must inevitably be reduced to one or other 
of these three things, to starve, dissolve, or disperse 
in order to obtain subsistence. Rest assured, sir, that 
this is not an exaggerated picture, and that I have 
abundant reason to suppose what I say. 

" Saturday afternoon, receiving information that the 
enemy, in force, had left the city and were advancing 
towards Derby with apparent design to forage, and 
draw subsistence from that part of the country, I or- 
dered the troops to be in readiness that I might give 
every opposition in my power ; when, to my great 
mortification, I was not only informed, but convinced, 
that the men were unable to stir on account of a want 
of provisions ; and that a dangerous mutiny, begun the 
night before, and which with difficulty was suppressed 
by the spirited exertions of pome officers, was still 
much to be apprehended from the want of this article. 
" This brought foith the only commissary in the 
purchasing line in this camp, and with him, this me- 
lancholy and alarming truth, that he had not a single 
hoof of any kind to ^slaughter, and not more than 
twenty-five barrels of flour ! From hence, form an 
opinion of our situation, when I add, that he could not 
tell when to expect any. 

'' All i could do under these circumstances, was to 
send out a few light parties to watch and harass the 
enemy, whilst other parties were instantly detached 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 155 

different ways to collect, if possible, as much provision 
as would satisfy the present pressing wants of the sol- 
diery ; but will this ans\A(r ? No, sir, three or tour 
days of bad weather would prove our destruction 
What then is to become of the ar'ny this winter .-' And 
if we are now as often without provisions as with 
them, what is to become of us in the sprins^, when our 
force will be collected with the aid, perhaps of militia, 
to take advantage of an early campaign before the 
enemy can be reinforced ? — These are considerations 
of great magnitude, meriting the closest attention, 
and will, when my own reputation is so intimately 
connected with, and to be affected by the event, justify 
my saying, that the present commissaries are by no 
means equal to the execution of their office, or that 
the disaffection of the people is past all belief. The 
misfortune, however, does in my opinion, proceed from 
both causes, and though I have been tender heretofore 
of giving any opinion, or of lodging complaints, as the 
change in that department took place contrary to my 
judgment, and the consequences thereof were predict- 
ed ; yet finding that the inactivity of the army, whe- 
ther for want of provisions, clothes, or other essentials, 
is charged to my account, not only by the common 
vulgar, but by those in power, it is time to speak plain, 
in exculpation of myself With truth then I can de- 
clare, that no man, in my opinion, ever had his mea- 
sures more impeded than I have, by every department 
of the army. Since the mouth of July, we have had 
no assistance from the Quarter Master General ; and 
to want of assistance from this department, the Com- 
missary General charges great part of his deficiency. 
To this I am to add, that notwithstanding it is a 
standing order (and often repeated) that the troops 
shall always have two days' provision by them, 
that thev might be ready at any sudden call ; yet 
scarcely any opportunity has ever offered of taking 
advantage of the enemy, that has not been either to* 



156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 

tally obstructed, or greatly impeded on this account: 
and this, the great and crying evil, is not all ; soap, 
vinegar, and other articles allowed by Congress, we 
see none ot, nor have wc seen them, 1 believe, since 
the battle of Brandywine. The first, indeed, we have 
now little occasion for ; few men having more than 
one shirt, many only the moiety of one, and some 
none at all. In additioii to which, as a proof of the 
little benefit from a Clothier General, and, at the same 
time, as a further proof of the inability of an army 
under the circumstances of this, to perform the com- 
mon duties of soldiers (besides a number of men con- 
fined to hospitals for want of shoes, and others in 
farmers' houses on the same account) we have, by a 
field return this day made, no less than two thousand 
eight hundred and ninety-eight men, now in camp, un- 
fit for duty, because they are barefoot, and otherwise 
naked. By the same return, it appears, that our whole 
strength in continental troops (including the eastern 
brigades which have joined us since the surrender of 
General Burgoyne) exclusive of the Maryland troops 
sent to Wilmington, amounts to no more than eight 
thousand two hundred in camp, fit for duty ; notwith- 
standing which, and that since the fourth instant, our 
number fit for duty, from the hardships and exposures 
they have undergone, particularly from the want of 
blankets, have decreased near two thousand men, we 
find, gentlemen, Vv-ithout knowing whether the ''.rmy 
was really going into winter quarters or not, (for I am 
Bure no resolution of mine would warrant the remon- 
strance) reprobating the measure as much as if they 
thought the soldiers were made of stocks, or stones, 
and equally insensible of frost and snow ; and more- 
over, as if they conceived it easily practicable for an 
inferiour arn>y, under the disadvantages I have de- 
scribed ours to be, which is by no mean.s exaggerated, 
to confine a superiour one, in all respects well ap- 
pointed, and provided for a winter's campaign, within 



1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 

the city of Philadelphia, and to cover from depreda 
tion and waste, the states of Pennsylvania, Jersey, &c. 
But ivhat makes this matter still more extraordinary 
in my eyes is, that these very gentlemen, who were 
well apprized of the nakedness of the troops, from 
ocular demonstration, who thought their own soldiers 
worse clad than ours, and advised me, near a month 
ago, to postpone the execution of a plan I was about 
to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of Congress, for 
seizing clothes, under strong assurances, that an E.mple 
supply would be collected in ten days, agreeably to a 
decree of the state, not one article of which, bye the 
bye, is yet come to hand, should think a winter's cam- 
paign, and the covering these states from the invasion 
of an enemy, so easy and practicable a business. I 
can assure those gentlemen, that it is a much easier 
and less distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a 
comfortable room, by a good fire side, than to occupy 
a cold bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow 
without clothes or blankets : however, although they 
seem to have little feeling for the naked and distressed 
soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them, and f-^om my 
soul, pity those miseries which it is not in my power 
either to relieve or to prevent." 

All these efforts to displace the Commander in Cliief 
were unofvailing, and served ouly to expose their au- 
thors to the resentment of the community. He was 
too well established in the confidence of the army, and 
of the great body of the nation, to be moved from his 
elevated, but arduous trust. Even the victorious 
troops, which served under General Gates, indignantly 
noticed the attempt to raise him to the place of their 
beloved General. The resentment of the main array 
against those, who v/ere known to be the active ene- 
mies of General Washington, was so great, that none 
of them dared appear in camp : General Conway 
found it necessary to resign his commission. He 
afterwards fought a duel with General Cadwallader, 

Vol. I. 14 



158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778, 

and thinking himself to be mortally wounded wrote 
General Washington the following letter. 

" I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few 
minutes, and take this opportunity to express my sin- 
cere grief for having done, written, or said, any thing 
disagreeable to your Excellency. My career will soon 
be over ; therefore, justice and truth prompt me to de- 
clare iny last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the 
great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, 
veneration, and esteem of these states, whose liberties 
you have asserted by your virtues." 

1778. The sufferings of the army during this winter 
for ])rovision and clothing were extrenje. — The depart- 
ments of the Commissary General ana Quarter Master 
General were not yet well arranged. The deprecia- 
tion of the paper currency embarrassed all purchases, 
and this embarrassment was increased by the injudi- 
cious attempt to regulate by law the prices of articles 
of consumption and traffick. T^>e enemy possessed a 
number of the trading towns of the United States, and 
the commerce of tlh others was interrupted by their 
ships of war. Tiiese causes combined, produced a 
famine m camp, and rendered a great part of the 
army incapable of service for the want of clothing. Al- 
though the Commander in Chief applied all the means 
in his power to remedy these evils, yet from them, he 
apprehended the dissolution of the army In Decem- 
ber he issued a proclamation, calling upon all the far- 
Tiers within seventy miles of Head Quarters, to thresh 
out one half of their grain by the lot of February ; and 
the other half by the 1st of March, on penalty of hav 
ing it all seized as straw. Detachments were also 
sent out to collect all animals fit for slaughter, leaving 
only a competence for the use of the inhabitants. But 
notwithstanding all this vigilance and exertion, the 
supplies were inadequate. Early in February, the 
country in the neighbourhood of camp became exhaust- 
ed, and the Commissaries communicated to the Gene- 



1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 159 

ral, that it would be impossible for them to supply the 
army beyond the first of Marcli. General Washing- 
ton looked towards New-England as the only effectual 
source of necessary supplies. He accordingly address- 
ed letters to the Executives of these states, painting 
in glowing colours, the condition of the army, and 
urging these constituted authorities, by every motive 
of patriotism and honour, to forward provisions to his 
camp. These applications were ultimately successful ; 
but before relief in this wry could be afforded, the 
scarcity was so great, as to threaten the total destruc 
lion of the army. The soldiers were at times without 
meat, for two, three, and in one instance, for five days 

The distress of the army for the want of clothing 
was almost as great as that for want of provisions. 
Of more than seventeen thousand men in camp, the 
effectives amounted to only five thousand and twelve. 
In February, three thousand nine hundred and eighty- 
nine were unfit for duty by nakedness. The insuffi- 
ciency of the clothes of those, who Vv-^ere called effec- 
tives, exposed them to colds and other consequent in- 
dispositions, and the hospitals were filled with the 
sick. 

General Washington happily possessed those com- 
manding and conciliatory talents, which strongly at- 
tached the soldiery to his person, and by the influence 
of his character he stifled every appearance of mu- 
tiny. In general orders he soothed the minds of his 
troops, and in their imaginations lessened those evils, 
which in his addresses to Congress and to the State 
Governments, he was labouring to remove. Very few 
of the native Americans deserted from the army during 
this winter ; but many of the foreigners left their 
standards, and some of them fled with their arms to 
the British camp. 

Had Sir William Howe marched out of his winter 
quarters and assaulted the American camp, the want 
of provision and clothing would have compelled the 



IGO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

army, without serious contention, to disperse. But 
that cautious commander was restrained from the 
enterprise, from a regard to the health and safety of 
his own troops. Perhaps he did not fully knov/ the 
condition of tlie American soldiery 

While General Washington was actively employ- 
ed in supplying his troops, his mind was deeply en- 
gaged on a plan to recruit the army for the approach- 
ing campaign. 

From jealousy of a standing anny, or in the pros- 
pect of redress of grievances by the British govern- 
ment, Congress depending on annual enlistments, and 
on the aid of the militia, had neglected to enlist men 
for the war, until the depreciation of the paper cur- 
rency, the hardships and privations of the soldiers, and 
the hi rh bounty paid for short periods of service, render- 
ed the measure impracticable. General Washington 
importuned Congress and the governments of the 
respective States, not to rely on foreign aid, fest de- 
pending on the strengtii and resources of the country, 
to make the necessary exertions seasonably to meet 
the operations of the British General, 

He gave an exact account to each State of its troops 
on the continental establishment, and urged them 
respectively to supply their deficiency. 

The serious difficulties respecting Jie army induced 
Congress to depute a Committee of their own body to 
the camp, to consult with the General, and report to 
them such plans as the publick interest required. This 
committee repaired to Head Quarters in January. The 
General, having taken the advice of his officers, pre- 
sented to them a memorial staling the difficulties that 
existed in the army, and pointing out the remedies. 
In these remedies was included tnat honourable pro- 
vision for officers, which would make their commis- 
sions valuable, and secure the prompt execution of 
duty, through fear of censure, and from an apprehen- 
sion of tlie loss of employment 



1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 161 

The representations of General Washington pro- 
duced, in a good degree, their effect. The division of 
power in the subordinate departments of the army 
which had destroyed all responsibility, and created 
endless confusion, was removed. General Green was 
appointed Quarter Master General, and Colonel 
Wadsworth Commissary General. These oflicers had 
a controlling pov/er over their deputies, and under 
their management these departments were greaUy im- 
proved. The movements of the army were from this 
period made with facility, and the soldiers never after 
wards suffered privations like those of this winter. 

I'he alliance of France with America, and the sub 
sequent co-operation of that power with the United 
States, rendered Philadelphia a dangerous post for the 
British. Before the campaign opened. Sir William 
Howe resigned the command of the British 
May 20. army, and Sir Henry Clinton with his com- 
mission as Commander in CJiief, received or- 
ders to evacuate that city. General Washington early 
penetrated this intention, and made his arrangements 
to meet it. He was uncertain whether the evacuation 
would be made by water, or whether Sir Henry would 
march his army through Jersey to New-York. As 
circumstances strengthened the probability that the 
British commander would attempt a passage through 
New- Jersey, General Washington detached General 
Maxwell with the Jersey brigade over the Delaware, 
to take post on Mount Holly, and with the assistance 
of the Jersey mihtia, to obstruct the progress of .he 
enemy. He was directed to fell trees, to break up 
bridges, and to hang upon the flanks of the Britisii 
army. 

When it was fully ascertained that Sir 
June 17. Henry Clinton was crossing the Delaware, 
General Washington required the opinion 
of his officers respecting measures propor to IjC pur- 
sued. General Lee, who, having been exchanged, 



162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778. 

had now joined the army, was decidedly against a ge- 
neral action, and he discountenanced even a partial at- 
tack, on the supposition that it would probably bring 
on a general engagement. In this opinion, the officers 
almost unanimously concurred. Of seventeen Gene- 
rals, who composed the military Council, on this occa- 
sion, General Wayne and General Cadwallader only 
were decidedly in favour of an engagement. General 
Green gave it as his opinion that the country should 
be defended, and that if this led to an engagement, he 
would not shun it. 

Although many of their stores were taken down the 
river in the shipping, yet the British army was encum- 
bered with an innnense quantity of baggage ; and their 
line of march extended twelve miles. The weather 
being intensely hot, their movements were very slow ; 
in seven days, they marched only forty miles. On 
the 24th, General Clinton reached Allenton, and it 
was yet uncertain whether he would take the road to 
Amboy, or to Sandy Hook. General Washington 
therefore kept upon the Higl; Lands of New-Jersey, 
above the enemy. In this situation, he had it in his 
power to fight or not, as circumstances should dictate. 
By the slow movement of the enemy, he was inclined 
to think that Sir Plenry wished for an engagement 
Colonel Morgan, with his regiment consisting of six 
Hundred men, was detached to gain the right flank of 
the enemy, and ordered to annoy him in every possi- 
ble way. General Cadwallader, with Jackson's regi- 
ment, and a small corps of militia, was ordered to 
harass his rear. 

The British army at this time was calculated at len 
thousand men, and the American army consisted of 
between ten and eleven thousand. Although the late 
Council decided by a large majority against a general 
engagement, yet General Washi.ngton inclined to 
the n.eabure. He again summoned his officers, and 
took their opinion, " whether it was advJseable to seek 



1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1G3 

a general action ? If adviseable, is it best to attack 
witli the wliole army, to bring on a general engage 
mcnt by a partial attack, or to take a position that 
shall oblige the enemy to make an assault upon us ?" 
The Council again determineJ againrt a general en 
gagement ; but advised to strengthen the detachments 
on the wings of the enemy. General Scott was, in 
consequence, detached with fifteen hundred men to 
this bervice. 

Having a force rather superiour to the British, Ge- 
neral Washington conceived that the favourable op- 
portunity to attack the enemy, ought not to be lost, 
and on his own responsibility, resolved to hazard a 
general engagement . 

Having learned that Sir Henry Clinton 
June 25. was moving towards Monmouth Court House, 
he detaclied Brigadier Wayne with a thou- 
eand men to reinforce the troops in advance. He offei*- 
ed the command of tlie whole force in front to Gene- 
ral Lee ; but ho, being opposed even to partial actions 
with the cnemj", decMned the service. The Marquis 
La Fayette joyfully accepted the command, which hib 
senior Major General had declined. The orders given 
to the Marquis were similar to those which had before 
been given to tlie officers on the lines, to gain the real 
and right flank of the enemy, and give him all possi- 
ble annoyance. The Commander in Chief put the 
main army in motion, that he might be in a situation 
to support his parties in advance. By these move- 
ments General Le3 perceived that more importance 
than he had imagined was given to the division in 
front, and he now importunately requested the com- 
mand, which before he had declined. To gratify him 
without mortifying the Marquis, he was detached with 
two additional brigades to act in Jront, and the o--m- 
mand of the whole, consisting of five thousand men, 
of course devolved on nim. He was ordered to keep 



164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778 

nis detachments constantly on their arms and ever in 
a situation to attack. 

Sir Henry Clinton perceiving the approach of a 
powerful force, changed the position of his army, and 
placed his host troops in the rear. On the 27th, he 
encamped in a secure manner on the heignts about 
Monmouth Court House. He could not be attac-ked 
in this position with the probability of success, and 
he was within twelve miles of strong ground, where 
he could not be assailed. General Washington there- 
fore resolved to attack him as soon as he should move 
from his present cncam[)ment. 

About five in tliu morning, the Command- 
JuNE 28. er in Chief was informed that the front of 
the British army was in motion ■ he imme- 
diately despatched an Aid de Camp to G'ineral Lee 
with orders to move on and attack the rear of the ene- 
my, " unless there should be powf?rfrJ reasons to the 
contrary," assuring him that the main body should 
seasonably move to support him. 

From the movements of the American army, Sir 
Hnnry expected an attack. Early on the morning of 
the 28th, General Knyphausen marched with ail the 
baggage of the British army. The grenadiers, light 
intantry, and chasseurs, unencumbered, remained on 
the ground under the command of Lord Cornwallis, 
and with this division was Sir Henry. 

Having allowed time for General Knyphausen to 
move out of his way, Lord Cornwallis about eight 
o'clock took up his Ihic of march, and descended from 
the heights of Freehold into a plain of about three miles 
extent. General Lee made his disposition to execute 
the orders of the Commander in Chief Passing the 
heights of Freehold, he entered the plain, and ordered 
General Wayne to attack the rear of the covering 
party of the enemy in such a manner as to halt them ; 
v,'hiie he himself by a shortei road should gain their 



1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 165 

front, with the design to cit them off from thie main 
body of their army. 

In the mean time General Clinton perceiving that 
strong columns of Americans were hanging upon both 
his flanks, and supposing that their object was to at- 
tack his baggage now passing through defiles, resolved 
to halt Lord Cornwallis's division and attack the Ame- 
ricans in his rear, with the expectation, that General 
Washington by this manoeuvre would be induced to 
recall his detachments in advance. This movement 
was made at the moment Lee was reconnoitring their 
covering party. He found this corps much stronger 
than he had supposed it to be, and tlie ground he 
thought unfavourable for an a' tack. In his re^r was 
a morass which could be passed only by a neck of 
hard land, which rendered it difficult for reinforce- 
ments to reach him, and would impede his retreat 
should he be repulsed. He was finally induced by a 
movement of General Scott, to cross the ravine and 
regain the heights of Freehold. 

During these manoeuvres, some skirmishing took 
place. As soon as General Washincjton heard the 
firing, he directed the troops under his immediate 
command, to throw oflf their packs and march rapidly 
to the support of the division in front. General Lee 
gave no information of his retrograde manoeuvre to 
the Commander in Chief As General Washington 
was approaching the scone of action in advance of his 
troops, he met, to his surprise and mortification, the 
corps of General Lee retreating before the enemy, 
without having made anv serious efforts to maintain 
their ground. He found General Lee in the rear of 
his division, whom he addressed with warmth, and in 
language disapproving liis retreat. He immediately 
ordered two regiments to form on ground favourable 
to check the advancing enemy. He asked General 
Lee, will you command on this ground ? Consenting, 
he was ordered to arrange the remainder of his division 



166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778, 

and to take measures to stop the advance of* the Bri- 
tish. " your orders," Lee replied, " shall be obeyed, 
and I will not be the first to leave the field." The 
Commander in Chief returned to the main body and 
formed it for action. The division of Lee now bravely 
sustained a severe confiict with the van of the British, 
and when forced from the ground, Lee brought his 
troops off in order, and formed them in rear of Eng- 
lish Town. 

The check the enemy received, enabled General 
Washington to form the left wing and second line of 
the army on an eminence. Lord Sterling, who com- 
manded this wing, planted a battery of cannon and 
played with etlect upon the British column, whicli had 
passed the morass and was pressing on to charge the 
Americans. At the same timo a body of infantry was 
brought into action. The advance of the enemy was 
by these measures stopped. 

General Green, who on this day commanded the 
right wing of the American army, had left the direct 
road near Englisli Town and moved upon the right, 
as a sncurity to this flank of the army, and had rather 
passed the ground on which the action began. Learn- 
ing the situation of General Washington, he brought 
up his division, and took an advantageous position on 
the right. 

The enemy now attempted to turn tlie left flank of 
the Americans, but were repulsed by parlies of infan- 
try. They then assailed the right wing, and here ♦oo 
they failed. General Green had posted a body cf 
troops with artillery on commanding ground in his 
front, which severely galled the enemy. At this pe- 
riod General Wayne advanced with a strong corps of 
infantry, and m a close and well directed fire attacked 
them in front. They gave way and fell behind the 
ravine to the ground, on which the Commander in 
Chief met General Lee in the morning. On this 
ground the British formed in a strong position. Both 



1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 167 

flanks were covered by woods and morasses, and their 
tront could be attacked cnly through a narrow pass. 

General Washington, even under these circum- 
stances, determined to renew the engagement. In 
pursuance of this resolution, he ordered Brigadier 
Poor to gain the right flank of the British, and Briga- 
dier Woodford their left. The artillery was directed 
to play upon them in front. Before these orders could 
be effectually carried into execution, the day vras fully 
spent. The General therefore determined to defer 
the attack until the next morning. He ordered the 
troops to retain their respective positions, and to lay 
on their arms. The General in the course of tlie day 
had shunned no danger, and he slept in his cloak 
amidst his soldiers on the field of battle. 

At midnight, the British moved off their ground 
with such silence, that General Poor although very 
near did not perceive it. General Washington knew 
that the British army would reach high and unassaila- 
ble ground before he could come up with them, and 
therefore discontinued the pursuit. He despatched 
small parties of light troops to protect the country 
from depredation and to encourage desertion. The 
main body of his army he marched to cover the im- 
portant passes in the high lands on the Hudson. 

General Washington was satisfied with the be- 
haviour of his army on this day. In his official com- 
munication to Congress he mentioned that after the 
troops had recovered from the surprise of the unex 
pected retreat of the morning, their conduct could noi 
have been surpassed. General Wayne was noticed 
with great commendation, and the artillery corps was 
said to have highly distinguished itself. 

In the battle of Monmouth, eight ofBeers and 
sixty-one privates of the Americans were killed ; and 
about one hundred and sixty wounded. Among the 
killed were Lieutenant Colonel Bonner of Pennsylva- 
nia and JMajor Dickinson of Virginia, officers of merit, 



168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1773 

whose fall was much lamented. Tiie Airer'cans bu- 
ried about three hundred of the British, Avho had been 
found on the field ■, although Sir Henr}' Clinton, in his 
official letter, stated his loss in killed and missing at 
four ofiiccrs and one hundred and eighty-four privates, 
and his wounded at sixteen ofiicers and one hundred 
and fifty-four privates. Among tlie slain was the 
Honourable Coloiiol Monckton, an officer of celelnty. 
The day had been excessively hot, and numbers, both 
British and Americans, were found among the dead 
without wounds, who had fallen victims to the heat. 

The Americans made about a hundred prisoners, 
and nearly a thousr.nd privates, mcsiiy Germans, de- 
serted tjie British standard, on the march through 
New-Jn'"5ey. 

Congress higlily approved of the conduct of the 
Commander in Chief in bringing on the action of the 
28th, and was gratified with its issue, in a resolution 
which passed that body unanimously, their thanks were 
given to General Washington " for the activity with 
which he moved from tlie ca.np at Valley Forge, in 
pursuit of the enemy ; for iiis distinguished exertions 
in forming the line of battle ; and f^r his great, good 
conduct in the action." He was requested " to sig- 
nif}' the thanks cf Congress ^o the officers and men 
under his command, who distinguished themselves by 
their conduct and valour in the battle." 

Althougii the Commander in Chief disapproved of 
the retreat, yet could the proud spirit of General Leo 
have patiently borne what he considered as a reprimand 
en the field of battle, it is probable that an explanation 
mutually satisfactory might liave taken place. Ge- 
neial "Washington continued him in command on 
the day of action, after his retreat, and discovered no 
disposition to take publick notice of it. But the irri- 
table and lofty s,:)irit of Lee urged him to write the 
next day two offensive letters to General Washington, 
in whicli, assuminLr the language of a superiour, he 



1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ICO 

demanded satisfaction for the insult offered him on the 
field of battle. On deliberation, the Commander in 
Chief informed him " that he should have an opportu- 
nity to justify himself to the army, to America, and the 
world, or of convincing them that he had been guilty 
of breach of orders and misconduct before the enemy." 
General Lee, expressing his desire for a Court Martiil 
in preference to a Court of Inquiry, was arr-ested upon 
the following charges, 

I. For disobedience of orders in not attacking the ene- 
my on the 28th of June agreeably to repeated in- 
structions. 
2 For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same 
day, by making an unnecessary^ disorderly, and 
shameful retreat. 
3. For disrespect to the Commander in Chief, in two 
letters. 

The high colouring of the second charge was in con- 
sequence of complaints entered by Generals Wayne 
and Scott, against General Lee, which on investiga- 
tion appeared to have been founded in their misappre- 
hending his movements. Lord Sterling presided at 
the court, which found him guilty of ail the charges, 
but softened the language of the second, and found 
him guilty of misbehaviour, by making an unnecessa- 
ry, and in some few instances, a disorderly retreat. 
The court sentenced him to he suspended from his 
command for one year. 

Congress, with some hesitation, almost unanimously 
approved the sentence 

The suspension of Gen'^ral Lee was highly satisfac' 
tory to the army. They keenly resented his abuse to 
the Commander in Chief, and his continuance in com- 
mission probably would have produced great incon- 
venience. 

Scarcely had Sir Henry Clinton reached New-York, 
when a French fleet appeared off the Chesapeak, un- 
der the command of Count d'Estaing. He had been 
Vol. I. 15 



170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177« 

eighty-seven days in crossing the Atlantick. Had his 
passage been an ordinary one, he would have found 
Lord Howe in the Delaware, and the capture or de- 
struction of tht; British fleet in that river, and proba- 
bly of the army in Pliiladelphia, must have besn the 
consequence. Count d'Estaing being disappointed at 
the Delaware, sailed along the coast to Sandy Hook. 
General Washington moved his army to the White 
Plains, that he might be in a situation to co-operate 
with the French Admiral against New-York. 

In the mean time, Sir Henry Clinton employed his 
whole force to strengthen his lines. The French Ad- 
miral finding an attack upon New- York impracticable, 
a conjoint expedition was planned against Rhode- 
Island. 

At the critical moment when the success of the 
united action of the French and American army was 
reduced to a moral certainty, Count d'Estaing sailed 
out of the harbour of Newport to fight Lord Howe 
Being overtaken by a violent storm, his fleet was 
greatly damaged, and he thought it adviseable to repair 
to Boston harbour to refit. 

In conseqi ence of the harbour of Newport being 
opened to the British, General Sullivan, the com- 
manding oflicer upon Rhode-Island, was compelled to 
retreat. He and his general officers had remonstrated 
against Count d'Estaing leaving Newport, and in 
the moment of disappointment and irritation at the 
failure of the expedition. General Sullivan in or 
ders, used expressions which vrere construed into a 
severe reflection upon the French Admiral and other 
marine officers, and which they resented. 

General Washington, alarmed at the probable con- 
sequences of a misunderstanding and jealousy between 
the French and Americans, so soon after the alliance 
was formed, and in the very commencement of their 
united operations, immediately adopted measures to 
prevent them. In letters to Generals Heath and Sulli 



i 



1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 171 

van, he communicaled the mode of conduct which he 
wished migh< in this delicate transaction be pursued. 

To Heath, who commanded in Boston, he expressed 
his apprehension that resentment of the conduct of 
the Count might prevent the proper exertion to repair 
and victual the French fleet, and he urged Heath to 
counteract such prejudices. 

" It will certainly be sound policy to combat the 
eifects, and whatever private opinions may be enter- 
tained, to give the best construction of what has hap- 
pened to the publick ; and at the same time to exert 
ourselves to put the French fleet, as soon as possible, 
in a condition to defend itself, and be useful to us 
The departure of the fl'^et from Rhode-Island is not 
yet publickly announced here ; but when it is, I intend 
to ascribe it to necessity produced by the damage re- 
ceived in the late storm. This, it appears to me, is the 
idea which ought to be generally propagated. As I 
doubt not, the force of these reasons wnll strike you 
equally with myself, I would recommend to you to use 
your utmost influence to palliate and soften matters, 
and to induce those, whose business it is, to provide 
succours of every kind for the fleet, to employ their 
utmost zeal and activity in doing it. It is our duty to 
make the best of our misfortunes, and not suffer 
passion to interfere with our interest and the pubhck 
good." 

To General Sullivan he mentioned " his apprehen- 
sion that should tiie expedition fail, in consequence of 
being abandoned by the French fleet, loud complaints 
might be made by the officers employed on it. Pru- 
dence," he said, " dictated the propriety of giving this 
affuir the best appearance, and of attributing the 
withdrawing the fleet from Rhode-Island to absolute 
necessity. The reasons," he added, " for this line of 
conduct, were too obvious to need explanation. That 
of most importance was, that their enemies, both in 



172 LIFE OF WASHINCtTON. [1778. 

ternal and external, would seize the first cause of dis- 
gust between the allies, and endeavour to convert it 
into a serious rupture." 

When the General received the resolution of Con- 
gress, directing him to take every measure in his 
power to prevent the publication of the protest enter- 
ed into by General Sullivan and his officers, he com- 
municated the resolution and with it the following 
letter. " The disagreement between the army under 
your command, and the fleet, has given mt; very singu- 
lar uneasiness. The continent at large is concerned 
in our cordiality, and it should be kept up by all possi- 
ble means consistent with our honour and policy. 
First impressions, you know, a"e generally longest re- 
tained, and will serve to fix, in a great degree, our 
national character with the French. In our conduct 
towards them, we should remennber, that they are a 
people old in war, very strict in military etiquette, and 
apt to take fire when others scarcely seem warmed. 
Permit me to recommend, in the most particular man- 
ner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, 
and your endeavours to destroy that ill humour which 
may have found its way among the officers. It is of 
the uimost importance too, that the soldiers and the 
people should know nothing of this misunderstanding, 
or, if it has reached them, that means may be used to 
stop its progress and prevent its effects." 

In a correspondence with Count d'Estaing, General 
Washington strove to soften his resentments, to sooth 
the chagrin of disappointment, and to conciliate his 
good affections towards the United States. 

These prudent measures ware attended with the 
most salutary effects. 

With the battle of Monmouth, active operations for 
the campaign closed in the Middle States. On the 
approach of winter, the American army went into 
quarters in the neighbourhood of the Hi;crh Landi. 



1778] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173 

Being better clothed and fed than in tne preceding 
winter, their situation was greatly ameliorated, and 
their sufferings were comparatively nothing. 

At the close of the campaign of 1778, the local 
situation of the hostile armies did not greatly differ 
from that at the commencement of the campaign of 
177G, except the possession of New-York by tht 
British. 

This fact is impressively stated by General Wash 
iNGTON, in a letter written to a friend. " It is not a 
little pleasing, nor less wonderful to contemplate, that 
after two years manoeuvring, and undergoing the 
strangest vicissitudes, both armies are brought back to 
the very point they set out from, and the offending par- 
ty in the beginning is now reduced to the use of the 
pickaxe and the spade for defence. The hand of pro- 
vidence has bejen so conspicuous in ail this, that he 
must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and 
more than wicked that has not gratitude to acknow- 
ledge his obligations." 



174 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 



[1779 



CHAPTER VI. 



Plan formed by Congress and the French ^Minister for the Invasion 
of Canada and Nova-Scotia — General Washington's objectiona 
to it — Tardiness of the United States to prepare for the approach- 
ing Campaign — The exertions of the Gencial — His Letter on the 
State of the Nation — The Remonstrance of Officers belonging to 
the New- Jersey Brigade — Letters of tiic Commander in Chief on 
the Subject — Expedition against the Indians under General Sul- 
livan — He destroys their Towns — The American Army posted 
for tlie Defence of the High Lands on the North River, and for 
the protection of tlie Country against the Incursions of the Bri- 
tish — Sir Henry Clinton jnoves up the Hudson, takes Possession 
of Stony and Vcrplank Points, and fortifies them — Arrangements 
made for assaulting these Post:^ — General Waj'ne carries Stony 
Point by Storm — Tlie Attack upon Verplank fails— Congress vote 
their thanks to General Washington and to the brave Troops 
employed in this service — They vote General Wayne a Medal — 
Evils of short Enlistments— Plan of the General's to remedy them 
— The Army in two divisions erect huts for Vv'inter Ciuarters, — 
Tiie Troops suffer th.ough tlie scarcity of Provisions — Colonel 
Wadsworth resigns his Oltice — Confusion in the Commissary's 
Department — The (Commander in Chief ajiportions supplies of 
Meat and Flour upon the Counties of New-Jersey — The Winter 
excessiv* ly cold, and the Waters around New-York frozen over 
— Expedition to Staten Island fails. 

1779. The emancipation of Canada had ever been 
an important object with Congress. By its incorpora- 
tion with the revolted colonies, the boundaries of the 
United States would be greatly enlarged, and the coun- 
try delivered from tlie destruction and terrour of war 
from the northern tribes of Indians. 

In the winter of 1777 — 8, an expedition for this pur- 
pose had been settled with the Marquis de la Fayette, 
and in its prosecution he repaired to Ticondero^a. 
Wanting then the means to accomplish the design, it 
was relinquished. During the succeeding autumn the 
scheme was resumed under the auspices of the French 
Minister. The p'an embraced the conquest of Canada, 
Nova Scotia, and all their depend'^ncies It was to be 
carried into effect by the joint operations of distinct 
detachments of Americans, acting in dlfterent points, 



1779.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175 

and all eo-operating with a French fleet and army on 
the river Saint Lawrence. 

This lofty scheme of military operations had been 
adopted in Congress without consulting with the Com- 
mander in Chief, or any American officer. It was to 
be communicated to the French Court by the Marquis 
de la Fayette, and his influence, with tliat of the 
French Minister, was to be employed to induce his 
government to adopt their part of the expedition. In 
October the plan was communicated to General 
Washington, he was desired to give Congress his 
opinion upon it, and to enclose it with his comments 
to the Marquis. 

The General had already revolved in his mind an 
expedition against th-e British posts in Upper Canada, 
with the intention to be prosecuted the next season, 
on the contingence that the British army should be 
withdrawn from the United States. Struck with the 
extravagance of the plan of Congress, instead of com- 
plying with their requisition, he wrote to them, stating 
in strong terms his objections to the scheme. He 
mentioned the impolicy of entering into any engage- 
ments with the Court of France to execute a combined 
system of operation, without a moral certainty of be- 
ing able to execute the part assigned to America. 

It was, the General observed, morall}'^ certain in his 
mind, that if the English should maintain their posts 
on the continent, it would be impracticable to furnish 
the men, or the iiecessary stores and provisions for the 
expedition. " If I rightly understand the plan," he re- 
marked, " it requires for its execution, twelve thou- 
sand and six hundred rank and file. Besides these, to 
open passages through a wilderness, for the march of 
the several bodies of troops, to provide the means of 
long and difficult transportation by land and water, to 
establish posts of communication for the security of 
our convo3''s, to build and man vessels of force neces- 
sary for acquiring a superiority on the lakes ; these 



176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

and many other purposes peculiar to these enterpris^es, 
will require a much larger proportion of artificers', and 
persons to be employed in manual and laborious offices 
than are usual in military operations." The aggregate 
number, he observed, requisite for the contemplated 
expedition, added to the force necessary to be kept in 
the field to restrain depredation from the British posts 
at New-York, would make nearly double the men ne- 
cessary, to any number, which with all their efforts, the 
United States were ever yet able to raise. 

The experience of the General taught him, that it 
would be as difficult to furnish the necessary supplies 
of provisions as to raise the men. " The scene of our 
operations has hitherto been in the heart of the coun- 
try, furnishing our resources, which of course facilitat- 
ed the drawing them out. We shall then be carrying on 
the war at an immense distance, in a country wild and 
uncultivated, incapable of affording any aid, and great 
part of it hostile. We cannot, in this case, depend on 
temporary and occasional supplies, as we have been ac- 
customed ; but must have ample magazines laid up be- 
fore-hand. The labour and expense in forming these, 
and transporting the necessary stores of every kind for 
the use of the troops, will be increased to a degree 
that can be more easily conceived than described 
The transportation must be a great part of the way 
through desei-ts affording no other forage than herb- 
age ; and from this circumstance our principal provi- 
sions, of the fiesh kind, must be salted, which would 
greatly increase tho diificulty, both of providing and 
transporting." Supplies upon this scale, he conceived, 
greatly exceeded the resources of the country, and in 
policy and honour, Congress could not promise to fur- 
nish them. 

Serious doubts rested upon the mind of the General, 
whether France would execute the part of the Canada 
expedition assigned to her. The superiority of the 
British fleet was evident The Court of London would 



17^3.] L1.FE OF WASHINGTON. 17? 

be made acquainted with the scheme, and a sivperiour 
British fleet might prevent the French squadron, de 
tached on this service, from enterins; the river St 
Lawrence, or destroy it after its entrance, or the Bri 
tish garrisons in Canada might be reinf()rced, and ren 
dered superiour to the assailing armament. 

In an expedition consisting of several distinct parts, 
General WASiiiNcrov thought it unreasonable to ex- 
pect that exact co-operation among the different detach- 
ments which would be necessary for mutual support ; 
of consequence, the divisions might bo defeated in de- 
tail, and after all the expense, the expedition miscarry. 
The consequences of a failure, which were much to 
be deprecated, would be the misapplication of the 
French force ; the ruin of tke detachments employed 
in the expedition, and jealousy and disaffection between 
France and the United States. 

The letter of the Commander in Chief, Congress re- 
ferred to a Committee. In their report, this Commit- 
tee admit his objections to be vveighty, but still advise 
to the prosecution of the plan. Congress accepted tlie 
report, and again requested the General to write fally 
on the subject to the Marquis, and to Dr. Franklin, 
then the American Minister at the Court of Versailles. 
Congress probably felt themselves already pledged by 
their conversation with the Marquis and the French 
Minister, and possibly they thought that measures had 
already been adopted in France to carry the plan into 
execution. 

General Washington was greatly perplexed by the 
perseverance of Congress in this measure. All his ob- 
jections to the plan remained in full force, and he found 
himself called upon to use his influence to bring the 
French government to adopt a scheme, of which he 
himself wholly disapproved, and to promise the co-ope- 
ration of the American arms in a manner that h« 
thought impracticable. To this request he thus re- 
plied : 



178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1770 

" I have attentively taken up the report of the Com- 
mittee of the fifth, (approved by Congress) on the 
subject of my letter of the 11th ultimo, on the propos- 
ed expedition into Canada. I have considered it in 
several lio-Jits, and sincerely regret that I should feel 
myself under any embarrassment in carrying it into 
execution. Still I remain of opinion, from a general 
review of things, and the state of our resources, that 
no extensive system of co-operation with the French 
for the complete emancipation of Canada, can be po- 
sitively decided on for the ensuing year. To propose a 
plan of perfect co-operation with a foreign power, with- 
out a moral certainty in our supplies ; and to have that 
plan actually ratified with the Court of Versailles, 
might be attended, in case of failure in the conditions 
on our part, with very fatal effects. 

"If I should seem unwilling to transmit the plan as 
prepared by Congress, with my observations, it is be- 
cause I find myself under a necessity (in order to give 
our minister sufficient ground to found an application 
on) to propose something more than a vague and in- 
decisive plan; which, even in the event of a total 
evacuation of the states by the enemy, may be render 
ed impracticable in the execution by a variety of in 
surmountable obstacles ; or if I retain my present sen- 
timents, and act consistently, I must point out the dif 
ficulties, as they appear to ms, which must embarrass 
his negotiations, and may disappoint the views of 
Congress. 

" But proceeding on the idea of the enemy's leaving 
these states, before the active part of the ensuing cam- 
uaign, I should fear to hazard a mistake, as to the pre- 
cise aim and extent of the views of Congress. The 
conduct I am to observe in writing to our Minister at 
the Court of France, does not appear sufficiently de- 
lineated. Were I to undertake it, I should be much 
afraid of erring through misconception. In this dilem 
ma, I would esteem it a particular favour to be excus 



1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 179 

ed from writing at all on the subject, especially as it is 
the part of candour in me to acknowledge, that I do 
not see my way clear enough to point out such a plan 
for co-operation, as 1 conceive to be consistent with the 
ideas of Congress, and as will be sufficiently explana- 
tory, with respect to time and circumstances, to give 
efficacy to the measure. 

" But if Congress still think it necessary for me to 
proceed in the business, I must request their more 
definite and explicit instructions, and that they will 
permit me, previous to transmitting the intended de 
epatches, to submit them to their determination. 

" I could wish to lay before Congress more minutely, 
the state of the army, the condition of supnlies, and 
the requisites necessary for carrying into execution an 
undertaking that may involve the most serious events. 
If Congress think this can be done more satisfactorily 
in a personal conference, I hope to have the army in 
such a situation before I can receive their answer, as 
to affiord me an opportunity of giving my attendance." 

Congress indulged the General with the, proposed 
interview, and a Committee of their body was chosen 
to confer with him on this business and on the state of 
the army. His objections were found to be unanswer- 
able, and the Canada expedition was laid aside. 

To the magnificent schemes of Congress upon Ca- 
nada, succeeded through United America a state of su- 
pineness and inaction. An alliance with France was re- 
ceived as a security for independence In the expec- 
tation that Great Britain would relinquish the Ameri- 
can war, that she might with her united force contend 
with her ancient enemy in Europe, Congress appeared 
not disposed to encounter the expense necessary to 
prepare for another active campaign. The delusive 
supposition that the war was over prevailed through 
the country, and palsied the spirit of the community. 
General Washington perpetually stimulated his coun- 
trymen to exertion. Uninfected with the coiv^mon de 



180 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [177!». 

lusion, he believed that Great Britain would continue 
the American war, and in ever}'^ possible way exerted 
himself seasonably to be prepared for the conflict of 
the field. But Congress was slowly roused to atten- 
tion to this important business. Their resolution em- 
powering the Commander in Chief *•■) recrait the army 
did not pass until the 23d of January 1779, and the 
requisition vipon the several states was not made until 
the 9th of March. 

The dissensions which at this time existed in Con- 
gress, the speculations that prevailed tlirough the 
country in consequence of the depreciation of paper 
money, and the apparent reluctance among all classes 
of citizens to make sacrifices for the publick mtcrest, 
greatly alarmed General Washington. His appre- 
hensions are fully disclosed in the annexed letter writ- 
ten at the time to a confidential friend of distinguished 
reputation in the political world. 

" 1 am particularly desirous of a free communication 
of sentiments with you at this time, because I view 
things very differently, I fear, from what people in 
general do, who seem to think the contest at an end, 
and that to make money and get places are the only 
things now remaining to be done. I have seen with- 
out despondency, even fojr a moment, the hours which 
America has styled her gloomy ones ; but I have be- 
held no day since the commencement of hostilities, 
when I have thought her liberties in such imminent 
danger as at present Friends and foes seem now to 
combine to pull dov/n the goodly fabrick we have hi- 
therto been raising, at the expense of so much time, 
blood, and treasure ; and unless the bodies politick will 
exert themselves to bring things back to first princi- 
ples, correct abuses, and pimish our internal foes, ine- 
vitable ruin must follow, indeed we seem to be verg- 
ing so fast to destruction that I am filled with sensa- 
tions to which I have been a stranger until within 
these three months. Our ei>emy behold with exulta 



1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 

tion and joy how effectually we labour for their bene- 
fit ; a»id from being in a state of absolute despair and 
on the point of evacuating America, are now on tip- 
toe. Nothing, therefore, in my judgment, can save xxt 
but a total reformation in our own conduct, or some de 
cisive turn of affairs in Europe. The former, alas ! to 
our shame be it spoken, is less likely to happen than 
the latter, as it is now consistent with the views of the 
speculators, various tribes of money-makers, and stock- 
jobbers of all denominations, to continue the war, for 
their own private emolument, without considering 
that this avarice and thirst for gain must plunge every 
thing, including themselves, in one common ruin. 

*' Were I to indulge my present feelings, and give 
a loose to that freedom of expression which my unre- 
served friendship would prompt to, I should say a 
great deal on this subject. But letters are liable to so 
many accidents, and the sentiments -of men in office 
are sought after by the enemy with so much cvidity, 
and besides conveying useful knowledge (if they get 
into their hands) for tlie superstructure of their plans, 
are so often perverted to the v/orst of purposes, that I 
shall be somewhat reserved, notwithstanding this letter 
goes by a private hand to Mount Vernon. I cannot 
refrain lamenting, however, in the most poignant 
terms, the fatal policy too prevalent in most of the 
states, of employing their ablest men at home, in posts 
of honour or profit, before the great national interest 
is fixed upon a solid basis. 

" To me, it appears no unjust simile, to compare the 
affairs of this great continent to the mechanism of a 
clock, each state representing some one or other of the 
small parts of it, vhich they are endeavouring to put 
in fine order, without considering how useless and un- 
availing their labour is, unless the great wneel, or 
spring, which is to set the whole in motion, is also 
well attended to snd kept in good order. 1 allude to 

Vol. I. 16 



18'^ LIFE OF WASHINGTON (.1779 

no particular state, nor do I mean to cast retlectioi,3 
upon any one of them, nojyought I, as it may be said. 
lo do so upon their representatives ; but as it is a fact 
too notorious to be concealed, that Congress is rent by 
party ; that much business of a trifling nature and 
personal concernment, withdraws their attention from 
matters of great national moment, at this critical peri- 
od ; when it is also known that idleness and dissipation 
take place of close attention and application ; no man 
who wishes well to the liberties of his country, and de- 
sires to see its rights established, can avoid crying out ; 
— Where are our men of abilities ? Why do they not 
come forth to save their country ? Let this voice. My 
dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson, and others. Do not, 
from a mistaken opinion that we are to sit down under 
our vine and our own fig-tree, let our hitherto noble 
struggle end in ignominy. Believe me when I tell 
you there is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons 
for thinking that administration, a little while ago, had 
resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate a peace 
with us upon almost any terms ; but I shall be much 
mistaken if they do not now, from the present state of 
our currency, dissensions, and other circumstances, 
push maiters to the utmost extremity. Nothing, I am 
sure will prevent it but the interruption of Spain, and 
their di.=iappointed hope from Prussia.'' 

The depreciation of the paper currency had reduced 
the pay of the American officers to a pittance, and the 
effects were severely felt. At the moment the cam- 
paign was to open, the dissatisfaction of a part of the 
sufferers broke out into acts of violence, which threat- 
ened the safety of the whole army. Early in May, the 
Jersey Brigade was ordered to march as part of a force 
destined on a.i expedition into the Indian country. 
On the reception of this older, the officers of the first 
regiment presented to their Colonel a remonstrance, 
addressed to the Legislature of the State, in which 



1779.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 183 

they professed the determination, unless that body im- 
mediately attended to their pay and support, within 
three days to resign their commissions. 

This resolution greatly disturbed the Commander ip 
Chief. He foresaw its evil consequences, and on thir 
important occasion determined to exert his personj^ 
influence. In a letter to General Maxwell, to be com 
municated to the dissatisfied officers, he dissuaded then 
by a sense of honour, and by the love of country fron- 
the prosecution of the rash measure they had adopted 

'* There is nothinu ," proceeds the letter, *' which 
has liappened in course of the war, that has given me 
so much pain as the remonstrance you mention from 
the officers of the first Jersey regiment. I cannot but 
consider it as a hasty and imprudent step, which on 
more cool consideration they will themselves '^ondemn. 
I am very sensible of the inconveniences under which 
the officers of the army labour, and I hope they do me 
the justice to believe, that my endeavours to procure 
them relief are incessant. There is more difficulty 
how6ver, in satisfying their wishes than perhaps they 
are aware of Our resources have been hitherto very 
limited. The situation of our money is no small em- 
barrassment ; for which, though there are remedies 
\hey cannot be the work of a moment. Government 
is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices of the offi- 
cers, nor, I am persuaded, unwilling to make a com 
pensation ; but it is a truth, of which a little observa 
lion must convince us, that it is very much straitened 
in the means. Great allowances ought to be made on 
this account, for any delay, and seeming backwardness 
which may appear. Some of the States indeed have 
done as generously as it is at this juncture in their 
power, and if others have been less expeditious, it 
ought to be ascribed to some peculiar cause, which a 
little time, aided by example, will remove. The pa- 
tience and perseverance of the army have been, undor 
every disadvantage, such as to do thorn tl< highest 



184 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

honour, both at home and abroad, and have inspired 
me with an unlimited confidence in their virtue, which 
has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse 
of fortune, to which our affairs in a struggle of this na- 
ture, were necessarily exposed. Now that we have 
made so great a progress to the attainment of the end 
we have in view, so that we cannot fail without a most 
shameful desertion of our own interests, any thing like 
a change of conduct would imply a very unhappy 
change of principles, and a forgetfulness as well of 
what we owe to ourselves as to our country. Did I 
suppose it possible this could be the case, even in a 
single regiment of the army, I should be mortified and 
chagrined beyond expression. I should feel it as a 
wound given to my own honour, which I consider as 
embarked with that of the army at large. But this I 
believe to be impossible. Any corps that was about to 
set an example of the kind, would weigh well the con- 
sequences ; and no officer of common discernment and 
sensibility would hazard them. If they should stand 
alone in it, independent of other consequences, what 
would be their feelings on reflecting that they had held 
themselves out to the world in a point of light inferi- 
our to the rest of the army. Or if their example should 
be followed, and become general, how could they con- 
sole themselves for having been the foremost in bring- 
mg ruin and disgrace upon their country. They 
would remember that the army would share a double 
portion of the general infamy and distress, and that the 
character of an American officer would become aia de- 
spicable, as it is now glorious. 

" I confess the appearances in the present instance 
are disagreeable ; but I am convinced they seem to 
mean more than they really do. The Jersey officers 
have not been outdone by any others in the qualities, 
cither of citizens or soldiers ; and I am confident, no 
part of them would seriously intend any thing thai 
would be a stair on their former reputation. The ^en 



1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 185 

tlemen cannot be in earnest ; they have only reasoned 
wrong about the means of obtaining a good end, and 
on consideration, I hope and flatter myself they will 
renounce what must appear improper. At the open- 
ing of a campaign, when under marching orders for 
an important service, their own honour, duty to the 
publick, and to themselves, and a regard to military 
propriety, will not suffer them to persist in a measure, 
which would be a violation of them all. It will even 
wound their delicacy, coolly tp reflect, that they have 
hazarded a step which has an air of dictating terms to 
their country, by taking advantage of the necessity of 
the moment. 

" The declaration they have made to the state, at 
so critical a time, that unless they obtain relief in the 
short period of three days, they must be considered out 
of the service, has very much that aspect; and the 
seeming relaxation of continuing until the state can 
have a reasonable time to provide other officers, will 
be thought only a superficial veil. I am now to re- 
quest that you will convey my sentiments to the gen- 
tlemen concerned, and endeavour to make them sensi- 
ble tha^. they are in an errour. The service for which 
the regiment was intended, will not admit of delay. 
It must at all events march on Monday morning, in 
the first place to this camp, and further directions will 
be given when it arrives. I am sure I shall not be 
mistaken in expecting a prompt and cheerful obedi- 
ence." 

This letter made a deep impression upon the minda 
of the officers, but did not fully produce the desired 
effect. In an address to the Commander in Chief, 
they expressed their unhappiness, that any act of theirs 
should occasion him pain ; but in justification of the 
measure they had adopted, they pleaded that their state 
government had paid no attention to their repeated 
petitions, that they were themselves loaded with debts, 
and that their families were starving; " At length," 
IG* 



186 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770 

said they " we have lost all confidence in our Legisla- 
ture. Reason and experience forbid that we should 
have any. Few of us have private fortunes ; many 
have families who are already suffering every tiring 
that can be received from an ungrateful country. Are 
we then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and 
dangers, of a military life, while our wives and our 
children are perishing for want of common necessaries 
at home ; and that without the most distant prospect 
of reward, for our pay is only nominal .'' We are sensi- 
ble that your Excellency cannot wish nor desire this 
from us. 

" We are sorry that you should imagine we meant 
to disobey orders. It was and still is our determination 
to march with our regiment, and to do the duty of offi- 
cers, until the Legislature shall have a reasonable time 
to appoint others, but no longer. 

'* We beg leave to assure your Excellency Jiat we 
liave the highest sense of your ability and virtue, that 
executing your orders has ever given us pleasure ; 
we love the service, and we love our country ; but 
when that countxy gets so" lost to virtue and justice as 
to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their 
duty to retire from its service." 

This attempt in the officers to justify their conduct 
placed General Washington in a very critical and 
delicate situation. Severe measures, he apprehended, 
would probably drive the whole Jersey brigade from 
the service ; and to assume the exercise of the powers 
of Commander in Chief, and then recede without pro 
ducing the effect, must hazard his own authority, and 
injure the discipline of the army. Under these embar- 
rassing circumstances, he prudently resolved to take 
no further notice of this address, than to notify the 
officers, through General Maxwell, that while they con 
tinned to do their duty, he should only regret the step 
they had taken, and hope that they themselves would 
perceive its impropriety. 



1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 187 

This alarming transaction, the General communi- 
cated to Congress, and at the same time reminded them 
of his repeated and urgent entreaties in behalf of his 
oflicers. Some general provision for them he now re- 
commended as a measure of absolute necessity. •'* The 
distresses in some corps,"' he observed," are so great, 
either where they were not until lately attached to any 
particular state, or where the state has been less pro- 
vident, that officers have solicited even to be supplied 
with the clothing destined for the common soldiers, 
course and unsuitable as it was. I had not power to 
comply with the request. 

'' The patience of men animated by a sense of duty 
and honour, will support them to a certain point, be- 
yond which it will not go. I doubt not Congress will 
be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, 
and will pardon ni}' anxiety to obviate it." 

The regiment marched agreeably to orders, and the 
officers withdrew their remonstrance. The Legisla- 
ture took measures for their relief, and they continued 
in the service. 

The situation of the hostile armies not favouring 
active operat-ons, General Washington planned an 
expedition irJ.o the Indian country. His experience 
while he commanded the troops of Virginia in the 
French war, convinced him, that the only effiictual 
method to defend the frontiers from the destructive 
invasion of Indian foes, is to carry the war into their 
own country. To retaliate, in some maasure, the 
cruelties the Indians had inflicted on the Americans, 
and to deter them from their repetition, General Sul- 
livan, the commanding officer, was ordered, on this 
occasion, to exercise a degree of severity, which, in 
the usual operations of war, was abhorrent to the hu 
mane disposition of the Commander in Chief In the 
course of the s'lmmer months, General Sullivan suc- 
cessfully prosecuted the plan, and destroyed tlie Indian 



188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. "-1779 

towns upon the nortnern boundary of the state of 
New-York. 

The disposable force of Sir Henry Clinton this year 
consisted of between sixteen and seventeen thousand 
men. The troops under the immediate command of 
General Washington amounted to about sixteen thou- 
sand. A view of the numbers of the two hostile ar- 
mies is sufficient to show, that offensive operations 
against the strong posts of the British, were not in the 
power of General Washington. The marine force^ 
by which these posts were supported, facilitated the 
designs of the British commander in predatory expe- 
ditions upon the American shores and rivers; but in 
the middle states, the campaign passed away without 
any military opero,tions upon a large scale. The 
Am^ricfin General posted his troops in a situation the 
most favourable to protect the country from the excur- 
sions of the enemy, and to guard the High Lands on 
the north river. These High Lands were the object 
of the principal manoeuvres of the opposing Gene- 
rals, and the scene of some brilliant military achieve- 
ments. 

West Point v/as now the chief post of the Ameri- 
cans on the Hudson. Here was their principal maga- 
zine of provisions and military stores. It was situated 
upon the western side of the river, in the bosom of the 
mountain, was difficult of approach, and its natural 
strength had been increased by fortifications, although 
they were not completed. Lower down at the foot of 
the mountain is King's ferry, over which passes the 
great road from the eastern to the middle states. This 
ferry is commanded by the points of land on the two 
shores. The point on the west side is high, rough 
ground, and is called Stony Point. That on the east 
side is a low neck of land projecting into the river, 
and denominated Verplank's Point. On each shore 
General Washington had erected fortifications, and 



1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 189 

a small garrison under tUe command of a Captain was 
placed in Verplank. 

Sir Henry Clinton, on the last of May, moved w-ith 
the greater part of his force up the river towards these 
posts. On his approach Stony Point was evacuated ; 
but the celerity of his movements obliged the garrison 
at Verplank to surrender themselves prisoners of war. 
The possession of King's ferry could not have been 
the sole object of Sir Henry's movement, his force 
was much greater than this purpose required. The 
possession of West Point was probably the ultimate de- 
sign of the expedition ; but the excellent disposition 
of the American troops defeated this intention of the 
British Commander. Having fortified the positions of 
Stony Point and Verplank, and placed garrisons in 
them, Sir Henry returned with his army to New-York. 

The Americans were subjected to great inconve- 
nience by the loss of King's ferry. To pass the North 
river, they were obliged to take a route by the way of 
Fish Kill, through a rough and mountainous country, 
and the transportation of heavy articles for the army 
by this circuitous road became very tedious. 

General Washington was induced by a variety of 
motives to attempt the recovery of Stony and Ver- 
plank Points. The very attempt would recall the Bri- 
tish detachments that were out on predatory expedi- 
tions. Success in the plan would give reputation to 
the American arms, reconcile the publick mind to the 
plan of the campaign, and restore to the Americans 
the convenient road across King's ferry. In pursu 
ance of this intention, he reconnoitred the posts and, 
as far as possible, gained information of the situation 
of the works, and of the strength of the garrisons. 
The result was a plan to carry the posts by storm. 
The assault upon Stony Point was committed to Ge- 
neral Wayne, and that no alarm might be given, his 
force was to consist only of (he light infantry of the 
army, which corps was already on the lines. The 



190 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. 

night of the 15th of July was assigned for the attack. 
The works were strong, and could be approached only 
by a narrow passage over a piece of marshy ground, 
and tho garrison consisted of six hundred men. About 
midnight the troops moved up to the works through a 
heavy fire of artillery and musketry, and without the 
discharge of a single gun, carried them at the point 
of the bayonet. The Americans, on this occasion, dis- 
played their usual humanity ; they put not an indi- 
vidual to the sword after resistance ceased. 

The loss of the Americans in the assault was incon- 
siderable, compared with the nature of the service. 
Their killed and wounded did not exceed one hundred 
men. General Wayne received a wound on the head, 
which, for a short time stunned him ; but he insisted 
upon entering the fort, which by the support of his 
aids he accomplished. Sixty-three of the garrison 
were killed and sixty-eight wounded, and five hundred 
and forty-three made prisoners. Military stores to 
some amount were found in the fort. 

General Howe was entrusted with the execution of 
the design against Verplank ; but through a number 
of unfortunate incidents, to which military operations 
are always liable, it miscarried. 

Stony Point alone did not give the Americans the 
use of King's ferry. Sir Henry Clinton immediately 
moved up the North river with a large force to recover 
the post, and General Washington, not thinking it 
expedient to take from his army the number of troops 
necessary to garrison it, destroyed the works and re- 
tired to the High Lands. General Clinton erected 
the fort anew, with superiour fortifications, and placed 
a respectable garrison in it, under the command of a 
Brigadier General. 

Congress embraced this occasion, by an unanimous 
resolve, to thank General Washington for the wis- 
dom, vigilance, and magnanimity, with which he con- 
ducted the military operations of the nation, and par 



1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOJN 191 

ticularly for the enterprise upon Stony Point. They 
also unanimously voted their thanks to General 
Wayne for his brave and soldier-like attack, and pre- 
sented him with a gold medal emblematical of the ac- 
tion } and they highly commended the coolness, disci- 
pline, and persevering bravery of the officers and men 
in the spirited assault. 

During this summer, Spain joined France in the 
war against England. General Washington expect- 
ing substantial aid from these powers, and unwilling 
to waste any part of his small force in partial actions, 
contented himself with the defence of the country 
from the depredations of the enemy, that he might be 
in readiness with the greatest possible numbers, to co- 
operate with the allies of America in an attack upon 
the British posts. But the fond hope of effective aid 
from France proved delusive ; and the expectation 
that the Avar would this season terminate, failed. 

Effectual measures were not yet adopted by Con- 
gress to establish a permanent arm}'. The officers 
generally remained in service, but a great proportion 
of the privates were annually to bp recruited. By the 
delays of the general and state governments, the re- 
cruits were never seasonably brought into the field. 
At different periods they joined the army ; and frt«- 
quently men totally unacquainted with every branch 
of military service, were introduced in the most criti- 
cal part of an active campaign. 

At the close of this year, General Washington, not 
discouraged by all his former unavailing endeavours, 
once more addressed Congress on this subject, which 
he deemed essential to the welfare of the union In 
October he forwarded to that body a minute repct of 
the state of the army, by which it appeared, that be- 
tween that time and the last of June the next year, 
the time of service of one half the privates would ex- 
pire. 

With the report he submitted a plan, by which the 



i92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [177D. 

recruits of all tl'e states were to be raised and brought 
to head quarters by the middle of J'anuary of each 
year, that time might be given in some measure to dis 
cipline them before the campaign opened. 

" The plan I would propose," says the General in 
the address, " is that each state be informed by Con- 
gress annually of the real deficiency of its troops, and 
called upon to make it up, or such less specifick 
number as Congress may think proper, by a draught. 
That the men draughted join the army by the first of 
January the succeeding year. That from the time the 
draughts join the army, the officers of the states from 
which they come, be autliorized and directed to use 
their endeavours to enlist them for the war, under the 
bounties granted to the officers themselves and the re- 
cruits, by the act of the 23d of January last, viz. ten 
dollars to the officer for each recruit, and two hundred 
to the recruits themselves. That all state, county, 
and town bounties to draughts, if practicable, be en- 
tirely abolished, on account of the uneasiness and 
disorders they create among the soldiery, the deser- 
tions they produce, and for other reasons which will 
readily occur. That on or before the first of October 
annually, an abstract, or return, similar to the present 
one, be transmitted to Congress, to enable them to 
make their requisitions to each state with certainty 
and precision. This I would propose as a general plan 
to be pursued ; and I am persuaded that this or one 
nearly similar to it, will be found the best now in our 
power, as it will be attended with least expense to the 
publick, will place the service on the footing of order 
and certainty, and will be the only one that can ad- 
vance the general interest to any great extent." 

This j'ldicious plan was never carried into effect. 
Congress did not make the requisition until February, 
and the states were not called upon to bring their re- 
cruits into the field before the first of April. Thirteen 
sovereign states exercising their respective indepcnd 



1779.1 LIIE OF WASHINGTON. 103 

ent authorities to form a federal army, were always 
tardy in time and deficient in the number of men. 

On the approach of the inclement season, the army 
again built themselves huts for winter quarters. Posi- 
tions were chosen the most favourable for the defence 
of the American posts, and for covering the country. 
The army was formed into two divisions. One of 
these erected huts near West Point, and the other at 
Morristown in New- Jersey. The head quarters of the 
Commander in Chief were with the last division. 

Great distress was felt tliis winter on account of the 
deranged state of the American finances. General 
Green and Colonel Wadsworth, gentlemen in every 
respect qualified for the duties of their respective sta- 
tions, were yet. at the head of the Quarter Master 
and Commissary departments, but the credit of the 
country was fallen, they had not the means to make 
prompt payment for articles of supply ; and they found 
it impossible to lay up large magazines of provisions, 
and extremely difficult to obtain supplies to satisfy the 
temporary wants of the army. 

The evil was increased by a new arrangement intro- 
duced by Congress into the Commissary department. 
A fixed salary in the depreciated currency of the coun- 
try was given to the Commissary General, and he was 
authorized to appoint a certain number of deputies, 
whose stipends were also established, and to whom no 
emolument of office was allowed. Deputies compe- 
tent to the business could not be obtained upon 
the terms established by Congress, confusion and de- 
rangement ensued through the whole department, and 
in consequence Colonel Wadsworth was constrained 
to resign his office. 

Before the month of January expired, the soldiers 
were put upon allowance, and before its close, the 
whole stock of provision in store was exhausted, and 
there was neither meat nor flour to be distributed to 
the troops. To prevent the dissolution of the army 

Vol T 17 



194 LIFE OF WASHLNGTON. [1780 

the Commander in Chief was reluctantly driven to 
very vigorous measures. He apportioned upon each 
county in the state of New-Jersey a quantity of meat 
and flour, according to tlie ability of each, to be 
brought into camp in the course of six days. At the 
same time he wrote to the magistrates, stating the ab- 
solute necessity of the measure, and informing them, 
that unless the inhabitants voluntarily complied with 
the requisition, the exigency of the case would force 
him to obtain it by military exaction. To the honour 
of the inhabitants of New-Jersey, harassed as their 
country had been, the full quantity of provision re- 
quired was cheerfully and seasonably afforded. 

To Congress General Washington expressed his 
sense of the heroick patience with which the troops 
bore the privations of clothing and provisions through 
this winter of unusual severity. The -extent of these 
privations will be seen in an extract of a letter written 
by the Commander in Chief to his friend General 
Schuyler. 

" Since the date of my last we have had the virtue 
and patience of the army put to the severest trial. 
Sometimes it has been five or six days together with- 
out bread ; at other times, as many days without meat ; 
and once or twice, two or three days, without either. 
I hardly thought it possible at one period, that w« 
should be able to keep it together, nor could it have 
been done, but for the exertions of the magistrates in 
the several counties of this State, on whom I was 
obliged to call, expose our situation to them, and in 
plain terms declare that Vv-e were reduced to the alter- 
native of disbanding or catering for oiirselves, unless 
the inhabitants would afford us their aid. I allotted to 
each county a certain proportion of flour or grain, and 
a certain nuinber of cattle, to be delivered on certain 
days, and for the honour of the magistrates, and good 
disposition of the people, T must add, that my reqv si- 
tions were punctually complied with, and in mf ;iy 



1780] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195 

counties exceeded. Nothing but this great exertion 
could have saved the army from dissolution or starving, 
as we were bereft of every hope from the commissa- 
ries. At one time, the soldiers eat every kind of 
horse food but hay. Buck wheat, common wheat, 
rye, and Indian corn, composed the meal which 
made their bread. As an arrny they bore it with the 
most heroick patience ; but suiferings like these ac- 
companied with the want of clothes, blankets, «&.c. 
will produce frequent desertion in all armies, and so il 
happened with us, though it did not excite a single 
mutiny." 

The frost of this winter was excessive. For six 
weeks together, the waters about New-York were 
covered with ice, of sufficient thickness to admit the 
passage of large armies with wagons and the heaviest 
pieces of artillery. The city, of consequence, in 
many places, became assailable. The vigilant and ac- 
tive mind of General Washington, with mortification, 
saw an opportunity to attack his enemy which he was 
unable to embrace. The British force in New-York, 
in numbers, exceeded his own, and the want of clothing 
and provision rendered it impossible to move his 
troops upon an extensive enterprise. An attempt to 
surprise a post on Staten Island failed. 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 



CHAPTER Vn. 

imount of Paper Emission — Conjf.'ess destitute of Means to sup- 
port the War — Supplies apportioned upon tiie States — Exertiona 
of the Commander in Chiel'^Mutiny in a part of the Army — 
The British make an Excursion into New-Jersey — The Ameri- 
can Troops bravely resist tiiem — The Court of France promises 
a Naval and Land Armament to act in America — Preparation 
to co-operate with it — A French Squadron arrives on the Ameri- 
rican Coast — Count Rochambeau lands at Newport with five 
thousand Men — The American and French Commanders meet at 
Hartford to settle the Plan of the Campaign — The Second Divi- 
sion of the French Troops fails- General Arnold becomes a 
Traitor — He Corresponds with Major Andre — Andre cornea on 
Shore at West Point — Attempts to return to New-York by land 
— He is taken into Custody by three Militia Men — A Board of 
General Officers condemn him — He is executed — Letter of Gene- 
ral Washington on the State of the Army — Congress adopts a 
Military Establishment for the War — The Army goes into Win- 
ter Quarters. 

1760. Two hundred milliMis of dollars in paper 
currency were at this time in circulation, upon the 
credit of the United States. Congress had the pre- 
ceding year solemnly pledged the faith of government 
not to emit more than this sum. The National Trea- 
sury was empty. The requisitions of Congress for 
money by taxes, assessed by the authority of the States, 
were slowly complied with, and the supplies of money, 
in this way obtained, bore no proportion to the ex- 
penses of the war. 

A novel state of things was in consequence mtro- 
duced. Congress, the head of the Nation, had no 
command of the resources of the country. The power 
of taxation, and of every coercive measure of govern- 
ment, rested with the State Sovereignties. The only 
power left with the National Council was, to apportion 
supplies of provision for the army, as well as recruits 
of men, upon the several States. 

The military establishment for 1780, consisted of 
thirty-five thousand, two hundred and eleven men. No 



J LIFE OF WASHlNGTOiN. VJ7 

portion of these was to be raised by the authority of 
Congress, but in the whole transaction an absohite de- 
pendence was placed on the agency of the States. Up- 
on the States also spccifick articles of provision, spirits, 
and forage, were apportioned for the subsistence of the 
army. Congress gave assurances that accurate ac- 
counts should be kept, and resolved, " That any State 
wliich shall have taken the necessary measures for fur- 
nishing its quota, and have given notice thereof to Con- 
gress, shall be authorized to prohibit any Continental 
Quarter Master, or Commissary, from purchasing 
within its limits." 

General Washington greatly lamented the neces- 
sity of managing the war by State authorities. He 
freely suggested to Congress the defects of their sys- 
tem, defects which would prevent the attainment of 
competent and seasonable supplies for the troops 
The estimate, he observed, in all articles was below 
the ordinary demand, the time of reception was left in 
a vague manner ; and no provision was made for ex- 
traordinary exigencies. No means were adopted to 
obtain for the use of the army any surplus of produce, 
which a particular State might conveniently supply, 
beyond its apportionment ; but a State under this pre- 
dicament was authorized to prohibit the National Com- 
missary from purchasing such surplusage, whatever 
might be the publick wants. To a friend in Congress, 
he in a private letter thus freely expressed his opinion. 

" Certain I am, tliat unless Congress speaks in a 
Tiore decisive tone ; unless they are vested with pow- 
ers by the several States, competent to the great pur- 
poses of the war, or assume them as matter of right 
and they, and the States respectively act with more 
energy than they hitherto have done ; that our cause 
is lost. We can no longer drudge on in the old way. 
By ill timing the adoption of measures, by delays in 
the execution of tliem, or by unwarrantable jealous-es, 
we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit 



198 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 

from them. One State will comply with a requisition 
from Congress, another neglects to do it, and a third 
executes it by halves ; and all differ in the manner, 
the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are 
always working up hill ; and, while such a system as 
the present one, or rather want of one prevails, we 
evei shall be unable to apply our strength or resources 
to any advantage. 

" This, my dear sir, is plain language to a member 
of Congress, but it is the language of truth and 
friendship. It is the result of long thinking, close ap- 
plication, and strict observation. I see one head gra- 
dually changing into thirteen. I see one army branch- 
ing into thirteen ; and instead of looking up to Con- 
gress as the supreme controlling power of the United 
States, considering themselves as dependent on their 
respective States. In a word, I see the power of Con- 
gress declining too fast for the consequence and respect 
which are due to them as the great representative body 
of America, and am fearful of the consequences." 

Although General Washington had weighty objec- 
tions to the plan of Congress, he exerted himself to 
carry it into effect. His personal influence was great- 
er than that of any other man in the union, and this 
new order of things required its full exercise. He 
wrote to the Executives and Legislatures of the seve- 
ral States, stating the critical situation of publick 
affairs, pointing out the fatal consequences that must 
ftjw from the inattention and neglect of those who 
a-f nc possessed the power of coertion,and urging them 
by all the motives of patriotism and self-interest to 
comply with the requisitions of Congress. But each 
of the States felt its own burdens, and was dilatory in 
its efforts to promote a general interest. A system, 
which in its execution required the conjoint agency of 
thirteen Sovereignties, was too complex for the prompt 
operations of a military body. 

In the course of tiie winter forage had failed, ard 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 199 

many of the horses attached to the army had died, or 
were rendered unfit for use. General Washington 
therefore struggled with almost ins-uperable difficulties 
in supplying the army. He possessed no means to 
transport provisions from a distance but by impress- 
ment, and to this painful and oppressive mode, he was 
obliged frequently to recur. The unbounded confl- 
uence placed in his patriotism, wisdom, and prudence, 
enabled him to carry these measures into eifect, amcng 
a people tenacious of individual rights, and jealous of 
the encroachment of power. 

The pay of the officers of the army had scarcely 
more than a nominal value. They were unable to 
support the appearance of gentlemen, or to furnish 
themselves with the conveniences which their situa 
tion required. The pride essential to the soldier was 
deeply wounded, general dissatisfaction manifested it- 
self, and increased the perplexities of the Commander 
in Chief. The officers of whole hues belonging to 
some of the States in a body, gave notice that on a 
certain day, they should resign their commissions, un- 
less provision was made for their honourable support. 
The animated representation of the danger of this rasii 
measure to that country in whose service they had 
heroically suffered, induced them to proffer their ser- 
vices as volunteers until their successors should be 
appointed. This, their General without hesitation re- 
jected, and the officers reluctantly consented to re- 
main in the army. 

A statement of the great difficulties which the Gene 
ral encountered, led Congress to depute a Committee 
of their body to camp, to consult with him upon mea- 
sures necessary to be adopted to remove the grievan- 
ces of the army. This Committee reported, " That 
the army was unpaid for five months : that it seldom 
had more than six days provision in advance, and was 
on several occasions for several successive days, with- 
out meat ; that the army was destitute of forage ; that 



200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 

the medical department had neither sugar, tea, choco- 
late, wine, or spirituous liquors of any kind ; that every 
department of the army was without money, and had 
not even the shadow of credit left ; that the patience 
of the soldiers, borne down by the pressure of compli- 
cated sufferings, was on the point of being exhausted." 

Congress possessed not the means to apply adequate 
remedies to these threatening evils. They passed a 
resolution, which was all they could do," That Ccn. 
gross will make good to the line of the army, and to 
the independent corps thereof, the deficiencies of their 
original pay, which had been occasioned by the depre- 
ciation of the continental currency ; and that money 
or other articles heretofore received, should be consi- 
dered as advanced on account, to be comprehended in 
the settlement finally to be made." This resolution 
was published in general orders, and produced a good 
effect ; but did not remove the complaints of officers 
or men. The promise of future compensation from a 
country, whose neglect was conceived to be the source 
of all their sufferings, they deemed a feeble basis of de- 
pendence, at the moment they were severely pressed 
by privations of every kind. 

Murmurs at length broke out into actual 
March "5. mutiny. Two of the Connecticut regi- 
ments paraded under arms announcing the 
intention to return home, or by their arms to obtain 
subsistence. The other regiments from Connecticut 
although they did not join in the revolt, exhib'ted no 
inclination to aid in suppressing the mutineere but by 
the spirited and prudent exertions of the officers, the 
ringleaders were secured, and the regiments brought 
back to their duty. 

The perplexities of a General, who commands an 
army in this situation, are not to be described. When 
the officers represented to the soldiery the greatness 
of the cause in which they were ergaged, and stated 
the late resolution '>f C^-ono-ress in their favour, they 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201 

answered, that for five months they had received no 
pay, and that the depreciated state of the currency 
would render their pay of no value when received ; 
they wanted present relief, and not promises of distant 
compensation ; their sufferings were too great to be 
supported ; and they must have immediate and sub- 
stantial recompense for their services. To the com- 
plaints of the army were joined murmurs of the inhabit- 
ants of New- Jersey, on account of the frequent requi- 
sitions unavoidably made upon them. 

These disafFections were carried to New- York with 
the customary exaggerations of rumour. General 
Knyphausen, the commanding officer at that post, sup- 
posing the American citizens and soldiers ripe for re- 
volt, passed over into New-Jersey with five thousand 
men, to avail himself of favourable events, 
June 6. and probably with the intention to drive 
General Washington from his camp at 
Morristown. He took the road to Springfield, and the 
behaviour of the Americans soon convinced him, ho 
had been deceived in the report of their disaflTected and 
mutinous disposition. The troops detached from the 
army to oppose his progress, fought with obstinate 
bravery ; and the inhabitants seizing their arms with 
alacrity, emulated the spirit and persevering courage 
of the regular soldier. The enemy finding he must 
ancounter serious opposition, halted at Connecticut 
farms, consigned most of the buildings of that village 
to the flames, and then retreated to Elizabeth Point, 
opposite to Staten Island. 

While General Knyphausen lay at Elizabeth Point, 
Sir Henry Clinton, with four thousand men, returned 
from the conquest of Charleston, South-Carolina, and 
joined him at that place. On the 23d of June Sir 
Henry moved by diflferent routes, five thousand in- 
fantry, and a large body of cavalry, with twenty pieces 
of artillery, towards Springfield. General Washing- 
ton supposed that his determined object was the do* 



202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 

struction of the American camp and stores at Morris- 
town. The effective force at this time under his im- 
mediate command amounted to Uttle more than three 
thousand men. Not being able to contend with the 
enemy, but with the advantage of ground, he made the 
best disposition of his small force to defend his post, 
and detached General Green with a thousand men to 
guard the defiles on the road, and particularly to dis- 
pute the enemy's passage of the bridge near Spring- 
tield. This service was performed with great military 
judgment, and with the spirit and efficacy of disci- 
plined courage. When overpowered by numbers. Ge- 
neral Green drew up his brave band on the heights 
back of Springfield. Sir Henry Clinton was not dis- 
posed to attack him in his strong position, nor to en- 
counter the danger of proceeding to Morri?town, and 
leaving Green in his rear ; he therefore relinquished 
the object of his expedition, and, burning the town of 
Springfield, returned to New-York. 

General Washington keenly felt this insult offered 
to his country, and was deeply mortified at his inabili- 
ty to repel it. In a letter to a friend he observed, 
" You but too well know, and will regret with me the 
cause which justifies this insulting manoeuvre on the 
part of the enemy. It deeply affects the honour of the 
States, a vindication of which could not be attempted 
in our present circumstances, without most intimately 
hazarding their security ; at least so far as it may de- 
pend on the security of the army. Their character, 
their interest, their all that is dear, call upon them, in 
the most pressing manner to place the army immedi- 
ately on a respectable footing." 

Late in the spring the Marquis La Fayette returned 
from France with the pleasing intelligence that his 
government bad resolved to assist the United States, 
by employing, this year, a respectable land and naval 
force in America. 

This grateful information re-animated the publick 



J780.J LIFE Ol WASHINGTON. 203 

mind, and gave a new stimulus to the agency of Oon« 
gress, and of the governments of the several states ; 
that preparation might be made to co-operate with the 
French armament on its arrival. 

This event excited anew in the breast of the Com- 
mander in Chief the mingled emotions of ambition and 
patriotism. His country having solicited foreign aid, 
he felt the disgrace she must suffer, should the allies 
dnd her in a situation not to second their friendly as- 
sistance. He anticipated the deep wound that would 
be inflicted on his own feelings, should the French 
Commanders find him the nominal head of a naked, 
destitute, and inefficient army. To prevent the evils 
that were apprehended, he addressed a circular letter 
to the governments of the states, urging them, to ex- 
ertions proportionate to the present prospect of their 
country, and painting to their view the picture of dis- 
honour and ruin that must arise from the neglect to 
improve this prosperous tide in their affairs. 

Vigorous measures were in consequence adopted by 
Congress and by the states to recruit the army, to lay 
up magazines, a:id to enable their General to com- 
ply with the reasonable expectations of their allies ; 
but the agency of different bodies was necessary to 
carry these publick measures into effect, and their 
operation was dilatory. On the 20th of June General 
Washington informed Congress that the army was 
yet destitute of many essential articles of clothing. 
" For the troops," he observed, " to be without 
clothing at any time is highly injurious to the service, 
and distressing to our feelings ; but the want will be 
more peculiarly mortifying when they come to act 
with our allies. If it be possible I have no doubt im- 
mediate measures will be taken to relieve their dis- 
tresses. 

" It is also most sincerely to be wished that there 
would be some supplies of clothing furnished to the 
officers. There are a great many wliose condition is 



20-1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 

stin miserable. This is, in some instances, the case 
with the whole lines of states. It would be well for 
their own sakes, and for the publick good, if they 
could be furnished. They will not be able, when our 
friends come to co-operate with us, to go on a common 
routin3 of duty ; and if they should, they must, from 
their appearance, be held in low estimation." 

Ir the nyar prospect of the arrival of the French 
armaments, the embarrassments of General Washing- 
TOxN increased. His army was not yet in a situation 
io co-operate with the allies, and he became extreme- 
ly anxious to know the force on which he might ab- 
solutely depend. He wished to attack New-York if 
the means were in his power. But to concert an at- 
tack upon this post with the French commanders, and 
in the event be unable to execute his part of the en- 
gagement, he knew would dishonour the American 
arms, and expose the French marine force employed 
in the service, to destruction. Should prudence forbid 
an attempt upon New-York, his force might be com- 
petent to assail some other British post, and it was 
highly expedient that the plan should be ripened, and 
all measures prepared for immediate action, the mo- 
ment the French detachments should reach the conti- 
nent. The anxiety of the Commander ii^ Chief on this 
subject was disclosed in the following letter to Congress. 

" The season is come when we have every reason 
to expect the arrival of the fleet, and yet for want 
of this point of primary consequence, it is impos- 
sible for me to form a system of co-operation. I have 
no basis to act upon ; and of course, were this 
generous succour of our ally now to arrive, 1 should 
find myself in the most awkward, embarrassing, and 
painful situation. The General, and the Admiral, 
from tne relation in which I stand, as soon as they ap- 
proach our coast, will require of me a plan of the 
measures to be pursued, and there ou^ht of right to 
be one prepared ; but ciif'um.jtanced as 1 am, I can* 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHIISGTQN. 205 

not even give them conjectures. From these con- 
siderations, I have suggested to the Committee, by a 
letter I had the honour of addressing them yesterday, 
the indispensable necessity of their writing again to 
the states, urging them to give immediate and precise 
information of the measure they have taken, and of 
the result. The interest of the states, the honour and 
reputation of our councils, the justice and gratitude duo 
to our allies, all require that I should without delay 
be enabled to ascertain, and inform them what we can 
or cannot undertake. There is a point which ought 
now to be determined, on the success of which all our 
future operations may depend, on which for want of 
knowing our prospects, I can make no decision, for 
fear of involving the fleet and army of our allies in cir- 
cumstances which would expose them, if not second- 
ed by us, to material inconvenience and hazard. 1 
shall be compelled to suspend it, and the delay may be 
fatal to our hopes." 

Congress had assured the French Minister that 
they would bring this campaign twenty-five thousand 
men into the field ; that to these such detachments of 
militia should be added as to make a force competent, 
when supported by a naval armament, to attack any 
of the British posts. They had also engaged to lay 
up magazines of provisions adequate to the demands 
of the armies of the Unitdd States, and of any divi- 
sion of French troops, acting in concert with them. 
On this account the deficiencies of the army lay with 
the more galling weight upon the mind of General 
Washington. 

While he was revolving this important subject, Sir 
Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot returned from 
South-Carolina to New-York, whose garrison now 
consisted of eleven thousand regular troops. The 
prospect of successful operations against this post was 
by the event greatly diminished. In the absence of 
the British armament it had been proposed by the 

Vol I. 18 



206 m^E OF WASHliNGTON. [17>.0. 

American Comn.ander, that the French fleet should, 
as soon as it reached the American coast, block up the 
harbour of New-York, and co-operate with the army 
in the attack upon that place. But in this change of 
circumstances, he conceived it adviseable that the 
French squadron should enter the harbour of New- 
port, land their troops, and there wait until a plan of 
joint operation should be formed. 

At length the first division of French 
July 10. troops reached the American shore, consist- 
ing of between five and six thousand men, 
with a large train of battering and fi.eld artillery. These 
forces were commanded by Count de Rochambeau, 
whose government had placed him under the command 
of General Washington. The Count, brought infor- 
mation, that a second division would follow him as 
soon as transports could be fitted to bring them. 

The principal French and American officers assidu- 
ously cultivated a mutual affection between the two 
armies ; and the Commander in Chief recommended 
to the officers of the United States to ingraft on the 
American cockade, a while relief, as an emblem of the 
alliance of the two powers. 

At the araval of the French, the Americans were 
unprepared to act with them, nor did the American 
General know what force would ultimately be brought 
into the field. But it became necessary for him to 
make arrangements with the French commanders for 
offensive operations against the enemy, on the arrival 
of the reinforcements. In this weighty transaction, 
he consulted the honour and interest of the United 
States, rather than the existing condition of his army. 
Confiding in the successful efforts that his country- 
men would, on this occasion make, he communicated 
to Count de Rochambeau, his intention to comply 
with the engagements into which Congress had enter- 
ed with the Court of Versailles. 

The solicitude of the General on this subject, ap- 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 

pears in the following communication, whicfi at the 
time he made to the President of Congress " Pressed 
on all sides by a choice of difficulties, in a moment 
which required decii-ion, I have adopted that line of 
conduct which comported with the dignity and faith 
of Congress ; the reputation of these States, and the 
honour of our arms. I have sent on definitive pro- 
posals of co-operation to the French General and Ad- 
miral. Neither the period of the season, nor a re- 
gard to decency would permit delay. The die is 
cast : and it remains with the States, either to fulfil 
their engagements, preserve their credit, and support 
their independence, or to involve us in disgrace and 
defeat. Notwithstanding the failure pointed out by 
the Committee, I shall proceed, on the supposition 
that they will, ultimately consult their own interest 
and honour, and not to suffer us to fail for the v»'ant of 
means which it is evidently in their power to afford. 
What has been done, and is doing by some of the 
States, confirms the opinion I have entertained of suf 
ficient resources in the country. Of the disposition 
of the people to submit tc any arrangements for bring- 
ing them forth, I see no reasonable ground to doubt. 
If we fail f^r the want of proper exertions in any of 
the governments, I trust the responsibility will fall 
where it ought ; and that I shall stand justified to 
Congress, my country, and the world." 

The plan of joint operation was formed upon the 
presumption, that the French would maintain a naval 
superiority in the American sea. But soon after the 
arrival of the French, the British on this station, were 
reinforced by a squadron superiour to that which con- 
voyed the troops of His Most Christian Majesty. Sir 
Henry Clinton and Admiral Greaves contemplated an 
attack upon the French in their new station, and after 
great delay, six thousand troups of the flower of their 
army were embarked, and supported by the fleet, sail- 
ed to Huntingdon Bay. Bu* the commanders here 



208 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 

learning the improved state of the fortifications at 
Newport, laid aside the expedition. During these 
movements, General Washington collected his force 
and crossed the North R,iver, with the intention to at- 
tack New-York, should the British General proceed 
in his attempt against the French. He confidently ex- 
pected in this case to estahlish himself in some com- 
manding position, which would not only compel Ge- 
neral Clinton to abandon his enterprise, but also facili- 
tate the success of his operations against the city. 
Tne return of Sir Henry induced the American Ge- 
neral to recross into New-Jersey, and to post his army 
at Orangetown. To expedite the meditated operation 
against New- York, he also took possession of ground 
about Dobb's ferry, ten miles above King's bridge, and 
erected works to command the river. 

The ofiiensive measures to be pursued by the allies 
were suspended upon the event of the French naval 
force in America being reinforced. General Wash- 
ington exerted himself to be in the best state of pre- 
paration, to embrace any opportunity that might pre- 
sent to annoy the enemy. 

At this critical moment, Congress, against the re 
monstrance of the Commander in Chief, and all his 
General Officers, introduced those essential changes 
in the Quarter Master General's department, which 
induced General Green to resign the office of Quarter 
Master. Colonel Pickering was appointed his succes- 
sor, who, in the full exercise of a mind, judicious, ac- 
tive, and indefatigable, found it impossible to execute 
the business of the department on the plan of Congress. 

The stores of the Commissary failing, General 
Washington was obliged to open and exhaust the 
magazines of West Point, and to forage upon the al- 
ready distressed inhabitants of the country, in the 
neighbourhood of his camp. These deficiencies at 
the moment that brilliant achievements were general- 
ly expected, gave a presage of disappointment. 



1780 J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^09 

The second French armament was daily expected, 
and General Washington had ordered a large body 
of militia into the field ; but the difTiculty of procur- 
ing subsistence led him to countermand the order for 
their march to camp, although their aid would be es- 
sential in the event of active operations. 

The American and French Commanders 

Sept. 21. met at Hartford to complete the general 

system of subsequent operations, and they 

agreed to direct their offensive measures against the 

British post in New- York. 

While expectations of immediate and effectual aid 
from France were entertained through the United 
States, information was brought, that the r>econd 
armament destined for America was blocked up in the 
harbour of Brest, and would not this season reach the 
American Continent. The flattering prospect of ter- 
minating the war by the conquest of the British posts 
in a moment vanished ; and elevated views of brilliant 
success were succeeded by disappointment and cha- 
grin. General Washington himself had admitted 
the persuasion, that the campaign would end in a de- 
cisive manner ; and he felt the deepest mortification 
at its failure. " We are," he observed in a letter to a 
friend, " now drawing to a close an inactive campaign, 
the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events 
of a very favourable complexion. I hoped, but I hoped 
invain,that a prospect was opening which would enable 
me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore 
me to doraestick life The favourable disposition jf 
Spain, the promised succour from France, the com- 
bined force in the West Indies, the declaration of 
Russia, (acceded to by other powers of Europe, hu- 
miliating to the naval pride and power of Great Bri- 
tain) the superiority of France and Spain by sea in 
Europe, the Irish claims and EngUsh disturbances, 
formed in the aggregate, an opinion in my breast 
which is not very susceptible of peaceful dr-eams, that 
18* 



aiO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 

the hour of deliverance was not far distant ; for that 
hovveveH: unv/illing Great Britain might be to yield the 
point, it would not be in her power to continue the 
contest But alas ! These prospects, flattering as they 
were, have proved delusory ; and I see nothing before 
us but accumulating distress. We have been half of 
our time without provisions, and are likely to continue 
so. We have no magazines, nor money to form them. 
We have lived upon expedients, until we can live no 
onger. In a v/ord, the history of the war is a histo 
ry of false hopes and temporary devices, instead of 
system and economy. It is in vain, however, to look 
back, nor is it our business to do so Our case is not 
desperate, if virtue exists in the people, and there is 
wisdom among our rulers. But to suppose that this 
great revolution can be accomplished by a temporary 
army ; that this army will be subsisted by state sup- 
plies, and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, 
is in my opinion absurd, and as unreasonable as to ex- 
pect an inversion of the order of nature to accommo- 
date itself to our views. If it were necessary, it 
would be easily proved to any person of a moderate 
understanding, lliat an annual army, or any army 
raised on the spur of the occasion, besides being un- 
qualified for the end designed, is, in various ways, 
wliich could be enumerated, ten times more expensive 
than a permanent body of men under good organiza- 
tion and military discipline ; which never was, nor 
ever will be the case with new troops. A thousand 
arguments, resulting from experience and the nature 
of things might also be adduced to prove that the 
arm}', if it is to depend on ?;tate supplies must disband 
or starve ; and that taxa,tion alone, (especially at this 
late hour) cannot furnish the means to carry on the 
war. Is it not time to retract from crrour, and bene- 
fit from experience ? or do we want further proof of 
the ruinous system, we have pertinaciously adhered 
to?" 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 

At the time, the country was exhausting its re- 
sources, and General Washington, under innumera- 
ble embarrassments exerting every power to obtain an 
honourable peace, treason entered the strong hold of 
independence, and planned the destruction of the in- 
fant states of America. General Arnold early ard 
warmly embraced the American cause. His enter- 
prising spirit, his invincible fortitude, his heroick and 
persevering ardour in battle, had ejfalted his mili- 
ta^y character in his own country and in Europe. 
Being incapacitated for the duties of the field, by the 
wounds he received before Quebeck, and at Saratoga, 
he was appointed Commandant in Philadelphia, when 
the British evacuated that city. In this flattering 
command, he adopted a style of living above his 
means, and soon found himself loaded with debt. To 
relieve himself he entered into various schemes of 
speculetion, and was unsuccessful in all. Hollow at 
heart, he had recourse to fraud and peculation. These 
practices rendered him odious to the citizens, and gave 
offence to government. At length formal complaints 
were lodged against him ; and Congress ordered his 
trial by a Court Martial. By this Court he was found 
guilty, and sentenced to be reprmianded by the Com- 
mander in Chief. The sentence was approved by 
Congress, and carried into execution by General 
Washington. In the gold that was to reward his 
treason, Arnold expected relief from his pecuniary em- 
barrassments ; and his implacable spirit sought its re- 
venge of his country by betraying into the hand of 
her enemy the post that had been called the Gibraltar 
of America. 

West I'oint was the first post in importance within 
the United States. Its great natural strength had been 
increased by every expense and labour of fortification; 
and it was an object on which General Washington 
perpetually keft his eye. This fortress Arnold select- 
ed to give consequence to his apostscy. By the sui- 



212 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 

render of this into the hands of tlie British commander, 
he expected to ensure a high price for his treason, and, 
at the same moment, to inflict a mortal wound upon 
his country. His measures were artfully adopted to 
accomplish his perfidious purpose. He obtained a 
letter from a member of Congress to General Wash- 
ington, recommending him to the command of this 
important post. He induced General Schuyler to 
mention to the Commander in Chief, his desire to re- 
join the army, and .iis inclination to do garrison du^y 

At the time General Washington was moving 
down to New-York, when Sir Henry Clinton had em- 
barked a large body of troops, with the design to attack 
the French at Newport, he offered the command of 
the left wing of the army to General Arnold, who de- 
clined on the plea that his wound unfitted him for the 
active duties of the field ; but he intimated a desire to 
command at West Point. Knowing his ambition for 
military fame, the General was surprised that Arnold 
declined tliis favourable opportunity to distinguish 
himself; but the purity of his own mind forbade him 
to suspect an officer of treason, whose blood had been 
freely shed in the cause of his country, and he grati- 
fied him with the solicited command. 

Under fictitious names, and in the disguise of mer- 
cantile business, Arnold had already opened a corre- 
spondence with Sir Henry Clinton through Major 
Andre, Adjutant General of the British army. To 
him the British General committed the maturing of 
Arnold's treason, and to facilitate measures for its exe- 
cution, the Vulture sloop of war conveyed him up tho 
North river. Under a pass for John Anderson, Andr6 
came on shore in the night, and had a personal inter- 
view with Arnold without the American works. The 
morning opened upon them before their business was 
accomplished. Arnold told Andre that his return on 
board the Vulture by daylight was impracticable, and 
that he must be concealed until *ho next night. For 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 213 

this purpose he was conducted within an American 
post, and spent the day with Arnold. In the course of 
the day a gun was brought to bear on the Vulture, 
which obliged her to shift her station ; and at night 
the boatmen on this account refused to carry Andr6 
on board the sloop. 

The return to New York by land, was the only tl- 
ternative left. To render the attempt the more safe, 
Major Andre laid aside his uniform, which he had yet 
worn under a surtout, and in a plain coat, on horse- 
back, began his journey. He was furnished with a 
passport signed by Arnold, in which permission was 
granted to John Anderson " to go to the lines of White 
Plains, or lower if he thought proper, he being on 
publiek service." Alone, and without having excited 
suspicion, he passed the American guards, and was 
silently congratulating himself that he had passed all 
danger, when his imaginary security was disturbed by 
three militia men, who were scouring the country be- 
tween the outposts of the hostile armies. They sud- 
denly seized the bridle of his horse, and challenged 
his business in that place. The surprise of the mo- 
ment put him off his guard, and instead of showing 
his pass, he hastily a.5ked the men, " where do you be- 
long.'"' they answered," to below," meaning New- York. 
The Major instantly replied, '' so do I." He declared 
himself to be a British officer, and pressed for permis- 
sion to proceed on the urgent business on which he 
was employed. 

The mistake was soon apparent, and he offered the 
men a purse of gold and a valuable gold watch, for 
permission to pass ; and on condition that they would 
accompany him to the city, he promised them present 
reward and future proaotion. But the patriotism of 
these yeomen could not be bribed. 

They proceeded to search Andre, and found secreted 
in his ooots, in the hand waiting of Arnold, exact re« 
turns of the state of the forces, ordnance, and defences 



214 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 

of West Point, with critical remarks on the works, and 
other important papers. They conducted their prison- 
er to Lieutenant Colonel Jameson, who commanded 
the troops on the lines. Their names were John 
Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Vert. Con 
gress eventually settled on each of them an annual 
pension of two hundred dollars during life ; and pre- 
sented each with a silver medal, on one side of which 
was a shield with the inscription " Fidelity ;' and on 
the other the motto " Amor Patriae." 

Andre still passed as John Anderson, and requested 
permission to write to General Arnold to inform hun 
that Andersv^n was detained. The Colonel thought- 
lessly permitted the letter to be sent. Colonel Jame- 
son forwarded to General Washington the papers 
found on the prisoner, and a statement of the manner 
in which he was taken. The General was then on 
his return from Hartford, and the express unfortunately 
took a road different from that on which he was tra- 
velling, and passed him. This occasioned so great loss 
of time, that Arnold having received Andre's letter, 
made his escape on board the Vulture, before the or- 
der for his arrest arrived at West Point. 

As soon as Andre thought that time had been given 
for Arnold to make his escape, he threw off the dis- 
guise which was abhorrent to his nature, and assumed 
his appropriate character of ingenuousness and honour. 
The express which conveyed the intelligence of his 
capture, was charged with a letter from him to Ge- 
neral Washington, in which, he declared his name 
and rank, stated that he had, by order of his General, 
Sir Henry Clinton, corresponded with Arnold, that 
his intention was to have met him on neutral ground, 
and that against his stipulation he had been brought 
within an American post. Attempting to make his 
escape from it he had been betrayed into the vile con- 
dition of an enemy in disguise, and he requested that, 
•• wnaitrvtn his fate might be, a decency of treatment 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 215 

might be obe&rved, which would mark, that though 
unfortunate he was branded with nothing that was dis- 
honourable, and that he was involuntarily an impostor. 
The decorous and manly deportment of Andre greatly 
interested in his favour the American army and nation. 
He was endowed with properties to conciliate general 
esteem. His character is thus beautifully painted by 
the late General Hamilton, who without envy might 
have contemplated his eminent qualities, for they were 
not equal to his own. " There was something singu- 
larly interesting in the character of Andre. To an ex- 
cellent understanding, well improved by education and 
travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and man- 
ners, and the advantages of a pleasing person. It is 
said that he possessed a pretty taste for the fine arts, 
and had himself attained some proficiency in poetry, 
musick, and painting. His knowledge appeared with- 
out osteatation, and embellished by a diffidence that 
rarely accompanies so many talents and accomplish- 
ments, which left you to suppose more than appeared. 
His sentiments were elevated and inspired esteem, 
they had a softness th^t conciliated affection. His elo 
cution was handsome, iiis address easy, polite, and in- 
sinuating. By his merit he had acquired the unlimited 
confidence of his General, and w"s making rapid pro- 
gress in military rank and reputation. But in the 
height of his career, flushed with new hopes from the 
execution of a project the most beneficial to his party 
that could be devised, he is at once precipitated from 
the summit of prosperity, sees all the expectations of 
his ambition blasted, and himself ruined. The charac 
ter I have given of him is drawn partly from what I 
saw of him myself, and partly from information. 1 am 
aware that a man of real merit is never seen in so fa- 
vourable a light as through the medium of adversity. 
The clouds that surround him are so many shades that 
set off his good qualities. Misfortune cuts down little 
vanities, that in prosperous times serve as so man^ 



216 LIFE OF WASHINGTOxN. [1780 

spots in his virtues ; and gives a tone to Ixumanity that 
makes his worth more amiable. 

" His spectators, who enjoy a happier lot, are less 
prone to detract from it through envy ; and are much 
disposed by compassion to give the credit he deserves, 
and perhaps even to magnify it." 

General Washjngtom referred the case of Major 
Andre to a Board of fourteen General officers. Of 
this Board General Green was President, and the fo- 
reign Generals La Fayette and Steuben were members. 
They were to determine in what character he was to 
be considered, and what punishment ought to be in- 
flicted. This Board treated their prisoner with the ut- 
most delicacy and tenderness. They desired him to 
answer no question that embarrassed his feelings 
But, concerned only for his honour, he frankly con- 
fessed he did not come on shore under the sanction of 
a flag, and stated so fully all facts respecting himself, 
that it became unnecessary to examine a single wit- 
ness ; but he cautiously guarded against communica- 
tions which would involve the guilt of others. 

The Board reported the important facts in the case, 
and gave it as their opinion that Andre v.'as a Spy, and 
that agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, he 
ought to suffer death. His execution took place next 
day. 

Andre was reconciled to death, but not to the mode 
of dying, which the laws of war had assigned to per- 
sons in his situation. He wished to die as a soldier, 
not as a criminal. In language, which proved him 
possessed of the nicest feelings of heroism and honour, 
he wrote to General Washington, soliciting that he 
might not die on a gibbet : hut the stern maxims of 
justice foibade a compliance with the request, although 
the sensibility of the General was wounded by a refu- 
sal. 

Major Andre walked with composure to the place 
of execution between two American ofl^cers. When 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. '-^^^ 

he beheld the instrument of nis fate, he asked with 
some emotion, " must 1 die m this manner ?" •' It i." 
unavoidable," was the answer. He replied,*- 1 am re 
conciled to my fate, but not to the mode ;" but immc 
diately added, " it will be but a momentary pang.* 
With a countenance of serenity and magnanimitj 
which mel^^ed the heart of every spectator, he mount 
ed the cart. Being asked at the fatal moment if he 
wished to say any thing, only that '* you will witness 
to the world, that I die like a brave man." 

Never, perhaps, did an execution of this kind more 
deeply interest the finer feelings of human nature. 

The General officers, who reported his case, lament- 
ed the necessity they were under to advise that as a 
spy he should be hung ; and the heart of General 
Washington was wrung with anguisn v/hen he sign- 
ed his death warrant. But the fatal wound that would 
have been inflicted on the country, had Arnold's trea- 
son succeeded, made the sacrifice necessary for the 
publick safety. The American officers universally 
discovered a sympathy for the unfortunate suflTercr, 
and the sensibility of the publick was greatly excited 
on the occasion. 

Great, but unavailing endeavours had beed used by 
Sir Henry Clinton to save Major Andre. Even Ar- 
nold had the presumption to write a threatening letter 
to General Wasiiingtox on the subject. The Gene- 
ral deigned not to answer his letter, but he conveyed 
to him his wife and his baggage. The merits and the 
fate of Andre gave a darker shade to the bareness and 
treachery of Arnold, and he became an object of pub- 
lick detestation and abhorrence. " Andr6," observed 
General Washington in a letter to a friend, '* has met 
his fate with that fortitude which was to be expected 
from an accomplished man and gallant officer ; but I 
am mistaken if at this time Arnold is undergoing the 
torments of a mental hell. He wants feeling : from 
some traits of his cliaracter, which have lately come 

Vol. 1 »9 



218 LIFE OF WASPIlNGTOiN. [1780 

to my knowledge, ne seems to have been so hackney- 
ed in crime, so lost to all sense of honour and shame, 
that while his faculties still enable him to continue his 
sordid pursuits, there will be no time for remorse."* 

Arnold published at New- York, an address to the 
inhabitants of America, and a proclamation to the offi- 
cers and soldiers of the American army. In those 
publications, he attempted to sow the seeds of disaffec- 
tion to the government among the citizens, and lu al- 
lure, Dy the prospect of emolument and promotion, 
numbers from the army to the British standard ; but 
these publications met with universal indignation and 
contempt. During the whole period of the revolution- 
ary war, the infamous Arnold was the only American 
officer who deserted liis banners, and turned his sword 
against the bosom of his country. 

On the discovery of the defection of Arnold, Gen- 
oral Washington strengthened the garrison of West 
Point, and moved the array to a position to support it, 
should Sir Henry Clinton make an attempt to carry 
the post. But altliough he had acquired a correct 
knowledge of its works, and was assist«^d by the ad- 
vice of Arnold, he was not inclined to hazard the as- 
sault unaided by plot and stratagem. 

The state of the army lay perpetually upon th<; 
mind of the Commander in Chief. Not wholly dis- 
couraged by fonner unsuccessful atten)pts to persuade 
( 'ongress to adopt a permanent military establishment, 
he embraced the inactive period of this campaign 
once mor'^ to address that honourable body on this 
important subject. 

* Colonel Hamilton in a private letter to a friend tuifolded 
the practices to which General Washington here alludes. 
" This man (Arnold) is in every sense despicable. In addition 
to the scene of knavery and piostitutiun during- his command 
in Philadelphia, whicli the late seizure of his papers has un- 
folded, the history of his command at West Point is a history 
of little as well as g"eat villanies. He practised every din^ 
art of peculation and even stooped to connexions witli tne sut- 
lers of the gatrison to defraud the pubiick." 



1780.' LIP'E OF WASHINGTON. 219 

His letter was dated as early as August, while ex- 
erting himself to be in readiness to co-operate with 
the French troops, and he observed, 

" But while we are meditating offensive operations 
which may either not be undertaken at all, or being 
undertaken may fail, I am persuaded Congress are not 
inattentive to the present state of the army, and wih 
view in the same light with me the necessity of pro- 
viding in time against a period (the lirst of January) 
when one half of our present force will dissolve. The 
shadow of an army that will remain, will have every 
motive, except mere patriotism, to abandon the service, 
without the hope, which has hitherto supported thera^ 
of a change for the better. This is almost extinguish- 
ed now, and certainiy will not outlive tlie campaign, 
unless it finds something more to rest upon. This ia 
a truth of which every spectator of the dif^tress of the 
a/my cannot help being convinced. Those at a dis- 
tance may speculate differently ; but on the spot an 
opinion to the contrary, judging human nature on the 
usual scale, would be chimerical. 

" The honourable the Committee of Congress, who 
have seen and heard for themselves, will add their tes- 
timony to mine ; and the wisdom and justice of Con- 
gress cannot fail to give it the most serious attention. 
To me it will appear miraculous, if our affairs can 
maintain themselves much lunger in their present 
train. If either the temper or resources of the coun- 
try will not admit of an alteration, we may expect 
noon to be redueed to the humilia'-ing condition of 
seeing the cause of America, m America, upheld by 
foreign arms. The generosity of our allies has a 
claim to all our confidence, and all our gratitude ; but 
it is neither for the honour of America, nor for the 
interest of the common cause, to leave the work en- 
tirely to them." 

After assigning his reasons for the opinion the* 
Great Britain would continue the war he proceeds, 



S20 LIFE OF >VAs;HINGTON. [1780 

" The inference irom these reflections is, that we 
cannot count upon a speedy end to the war ; and that 
it is the true policy of America not to content herself 
with temporary expedients, b\it to endeavour, if possi- 
ble, to give consistency and validil}' to her measures. 
An essential step to this will be immediately to devise 
a plan and put it in execution, for providing men in 
time to replace those v/ho will leave us at the end of 
the year, and fur subsisting and for making a reasona- 
ble allowance to the officers and soldiers. 

" The plan for this purpose ouglit to be of general 
operation, and such as v.'ill execute itself Experience 
has shown tliat a pere-mptory draught will be the only 
eftectual one. If a draught for the war or for three 
years can be effected, it ought to Le made on every ac- 
count ; a shorter period than a year is inadmissible. 

" To one who has been witness to the evils brought 
upon us by short enlistments, the system appears to 
have been pernicious beyond description ; and a crowd 
of motives present thjmsclves to dictate a cliangs. U 
may easily be shown tliat all the misfortunes we have 
met with in the military line are to be attributed to 
this cause. 

" Had we formed a permanent army in the begin- 
ning, which, by the continuance of the same men in 
service, had been capablfa of discipline, we never 
should have had to retreat with a handful of mer across 
the Delaware, in 1771), trembling for the state of Ame- 
rica, which nothing but the infatuation of the enemy 
could have saved ; we should not have remained afl 
the succeeding winter at their mercy, with sometimes 
scarcely a sufficient body of men to mount the ordi- 
nary guards, liable at every moment to be dissipated^ 
if they had only thought proper to march against us ; 
we shouM not have been under the necessity of fight- 
ing at Brandywine, with an unequal number of raw 
troops, and afterwards of seeing Philadelphia fall a 
prey to a victorious army ". we should ""t have been at 



1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 221 

Valley Forge with less thaii half the force of the eno» 
my, destitute of every thing, in a situation neither to 
redist nor to retire ; we should not jiavo seen New- 
York left with a handful of men, yet an overrnatc.h for 
the main army of these states, while the principal part 
of tlieir force was detaciied for the reduction of two 
of thein ; we should not have found ourseivvs ihia 
epring so weak ns to be iiiuultcd by five thoua^^nd men, 
unable to protect our bagjrage and magazines, their 
security depending on a good countenance, and a want 
of enterprise in the enemy ; we should not have been 
the greatest part of the war iiiferiour to the enemy, 
indebted for our safety to their inactivity, enduring 
frequently the mortification of seeing inviting oppor- 
tunities to ruin thcirt; pass unimproved for want of a 
force which the country was completely able to afibrd; 
to see the country ravaged, our towns burnt, the in- 
habitants plundered, abused, murdered wilii impunity 
from the same cajisc. 

" There is ov jry reason to believe the war has been 
protracted on this account. Our o])position being less, 
made the successes of the enemy greater. The fluc- 
tuation of the army kept alive thu:; jiopes ; and nt 
every period of the dissolution of a considerable part 
of it, they have flattered thenhselves with some (ie- 
cisive advantages. Had we kept a permanent army on 
foot, the enemy could have had nothing to hope for, 
and would, in all prijbability, have listened to terms 
Irvng since. If the army is loft, in its present situation, 
it must continue an encf.uragement to the eff^^rts oftne 
enemy ; if it is put in a respectable one, it must iiave 
a ctiiitrary eiTeet, and nothing i believe will tend more 
to give us peace the ensuing winter. It will be an 
mteresting vvinter. Many circumstances will contri- 
bute to a negotiation. An arrny on foot, not only for 
another campaign, but for many campaigns, woula de- 
termine the enemy to pacifick measures, and enable us 
to insist upon favoural-)!" terms in forcible language 



222 LIKE OF WASHINGTON. [1780 

An army insignificant in numbers, dissatisfied, crum- 
blin<r to pieces, would be the strongest temptation they 
could have to try the experiment a little longer. It 
is an old maxim; that the surest way to make a good 
peace, is to be prepared for war." 

Congress having at length resolved to new model 
the arm}', determined upon ihe number of regiments 
of infantry and cavalry, which shou'u compose their 
military establishment, and apportioned upon the seve- 
ral states their respective quotas. The states were re- 
quired to raise their men for the war, and to have 
them in the field by the first of the next January : 
but provision was made, that if any state should find 
it impracticable to raise its quota by the first of De- 
cember, this state might supply the deficiency by men 
engaged to serve for a period not short of one year. 

This arrangement of Congress was subnuued to 
the Commander in Chief, and his opinion desired upon 
it. He in a respectful manner stated his objections to 
the plan. The number of men contemplated was, he 
conceived, too small, and he proposed that ine number 
of privates in each regiment should be increased In- 
stead of distinct regiments of cavalry, he recommend- 
ed legionary corps, tliat tlie horse might always be 
supported by the infantry attached to them. He de- 
plored the necessity of a dependence on state agency 
to recruit and support the army, and lamented that 
Congress had made provision for the deficiency of any 
state to procure men for the war, to be supplied by 
temporary draughts ; because, he conceived that the 
rtates upon the urgent requisition of Congress, would 
have brought their respective quotas into the field for 
the war ; but the provision for deficiency being made, 
their exei-tions would be weak, and the alternative 
generally embraced. He warmly recommended ho- 
nourable provision for the otficers. 

The repeated remonstrances of General Washing- 
ton, supportea bv the chastisements of experience. 



17>^0.J LIFR OF WASHINGTON. J?23 

finally induced Conofress to lay aside their jealousy cf 
a standing army, and to adopt a mililary estabUsli 
ment for tne war. 

The expected superiorit}' of the French at sea ft.jl- 
ing, the residue of the campaign passed away without 
any remarkable event. The hostile armies merely 
watched each other's motions, until the inclemency 
of the season forced them into winter quarters. The 
Pennsylvania line wintered at Morristown ; the Jersey 
line about Pompton on the confines of New- York and 
New- Jersey ; and the troops belonging to the New- 
England Slates at West Point and its vicinity, on both 
sides of the North river. The New- fork line had pio 
viously been stationed at Albany, to oppose any inva 
eion that might be made from Canada, and here it re 
mained through the winter. 



%nif or ▼oi.VHs I. 



LIFE OF 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

comiMLairDXSR zvr chief 

OF THE 

American ^rntfi, 

THROUGH THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR ; 
AND THE 

FIRST PRESZDEITT 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES. 



BY AARON BANCROFT, D. D. 

P48T0R OF A CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN WORCESfEB 



TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. 



BOSTON : 

PHILLIPS & SAMPSON 
110 Washington Street. 

1847. 



Entered acconli.ig to AcJ. at" C 'iigres.s, in ihe year 1847, by 
PHILLIPS & SAMPSON, 

la Ihe Clerk's Ofiice of the Pistrict Court for the District of 

Miiss;ichL'..sclts. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Arnold is appointed a Brigadier in the British service, 
and invades Virginia — Plan to capture him — Mutiny 
in the American camp — Violence of the Pennsylva- 
nia Line — Order restored — Weak state of the Ar- 
my — The French Court grants a Loan to the United 
States — Exertion of the States to enable the Gene- 
ral to open the Campaign — The French Troops 
march to the American Camp — Plan to surprise the 
British Post at King's Bridge — Expedition to Vir- 
ginia — Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeake 
— Yorktown besieged — British Redoubts stormed — 
The British make a Sortie — Lord Cornvvallis at- 
tempts to escape — He capitulates and surrenders 
his Posts — Indecisive Action between the French 
and English Fleets — Sir Henry, too late, embarks 
his Troops for Yorktown — Thanks of Congress to 
the American and French Commanders, and to the 
Army — General St. Clair despatched to Carolina — 
The other Corps of the Army return to the Neigh- 
bourhood of New- York, and go into Winter Quar- 
ters --- 7 

CHAPTER IX. 

Preparations for another Campaign — Sir Guy Carlo- 
ton arrives at New- York, and announces the vote 
of Parliament to acknowledge American Independ- 
ence — Army anxious for their pay — Anonymous 



IV CONTENTS. 

Address exciung them to a Revolt — General Wash- 
ington convenes and addresses the Officers — Their 
resolutions — Freliininary articles of peace received 

— Cessation of Hostilities proclaimed General 

Washington addresses a Circular Letter to the Ex- 
ecutives of the several States — Army disbanded — 
New Levies of Pennsylvania revolt — The Com- 
mander in Chief enters New- York — Takes leaves of 
his Officers — Resigns his Commission to the Presi- 
dent of Congress — Retires to Mount Vernon 26 

CHAPTER X. 

General Washington in Retirement — His Pursuits — 
Votes of Congress and of the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia respecting him — His Visitors and correspond- 
ents — His Plans to improve the Navigation of the 
Potomack and James' Rivers — Declines the grant 
of Virginia — His Advice to the Cincinnati — State 
of Publick Affairs — National Convention — General 
Washington its President — Federal Constitution 
recommended and adopted — General Washington 
requested to consent to administer the Government 
— He is chosen President of the United States — Sets 
out for the Seat of Government — Attention shown 
him on his Journey — His reception at New- York 56 

CHAPTER XL 

Inauguration of the President — His Address to Con- 
gress — Answers of the two Houses — The Arrange- 
ments of his Household — His regulations for Visit- 
ors — The Reasons of their adoption — The Relations 
of the United States '<fith Foreign Powers — Con 



CONTENTS. T 

giess establishes the Departments of the Govern 
ment — The President fills them — He visits New- 
England — His Reception — Addresses to him — His 
Answers — Negotiations with the Indians — Treaty 
w'th the Creeks — War with the Wabash and Mia- 
mis Tribes — General Harmar's Expedition — St. 
Clair defeated — General Wayne victorious and 
makes a Treaty with them — Second Session of Con- 
gress — Fiscal Arrangements of the Secretary of 
the Treasury — Indisposition of the President — Pie 
visits Mount Vernon — Meets Congress at Philadel- 
phia — His Tour to the Southern States — Second 
Congress — The President refuses his Signature to 
the Representative Bill — Contemplates retiring to 
Private Life — Consents to be a Candidate for the 
Second Presidency 87 

CHAPTER XIJ. 

General Washington re-elected President — State of 
Parties — Division in the Cabinet — The President 
endeavours to promote union — Influence of the 
French Revolution — Measures to secure the Neu- 
trality of the United States in the War betw^een 
France and England — Mr. Genet's illegal practices 
—He insults the Government — The Executive 
restricts him — He appeals to the People — They 
support the Administration — The President deter- 
mines to arrest Genet — He is recalled — Negotia- 
tion v;ith Britain — Insurrection in Pennsylvania 
— Democratick Societies — British Treaty — Com- 
munication between the French Executive and 
the LegJ-slature of the United States — The Pr-cJ. 
1 * 



vi CONTENTS, 

dent refuses to the House of Representatives the 
Papers respecting Diplomatick transactions — His 
interpositions in favour of the Marquis La Fayette 
— Takes the Son of the Marquis under his Protec- 
tion and Patronage -------- 1,'5 

CHAPTER Xni. 

The President calumniated — His Letter to Mr. Jeffer- 
son — Statement of the Secretary of the Treasury — 
The French Directory's attempt to control the 
American Government — Review of the transactions 
with France — The President declares his resolution 
to retire from Publick Life — Meets Congress for the 
last time — Describes the Letters that had been 
forged — Attends the Inauguration of Mr. Adams — 
Retires to Mount Vernon — Threatening attitude 
of France — General Washington appointed Com- 
mander in Chief of the American Forces — His opi- 
nion of Publick measures — His indisposition and 
Death — Conclusion --- 166 



LIFE 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Arnold is appointed a Brigadier in the British Service and mvaJes 
Virginia — Plan to capture him — Mutiny in the American Camp 
— Violence of the Pennsyh'ania Line— Order restored — Weak 
State of the army— The French Court grants a Loan to tJie United 
States — Exertion of the States to enahic the General to open ilvi 
Campaign — The French Troops march to the American Camp — 
Plan to surprise the British Post at King's Bridge— Expedition to 
Virginia — Count de Grasbe arrives in tl:e Chesapeak — Yorktown 
besieged— British Redoubts stormed— Tlie British make a Sortie — 
Lord Cornwallis attempts to escape — He capitulates and surren- 
ders his Posts — Indecisive Action between the French and English 
Fleets — Sir Henry, too late, embarks his Troops for Yorktown — 
Thanks of Congress to the American and French Commanders, 
and to the Army — General St. Clair despatched to Carolina — The 
other corps of the Army return to the Neighbourhood of New- 
York, and go into Winter Quarters. 

1781. ARNOLD, having been appointed a Brigadier 
General in the British arrny, was with about sixteen 
hundred men detached to invade Virginia. With his 
armed ships he sailed up James' river,, and at Rich- 
mond and other places destroyed publick and private 
property to a great amount. He at length indicated a 
design to establish a permanent post at Portsmouth. 

The French fleet since its arrival on the American 
coast had been blocked up in the harbour of Newport, 
and the land forces had remained inactive in that town. 
But about this time the British blockading squadron 
suffered by a violen* storm, and a temporary superiority 
was given to the French. 

General W^ashington thought tha*. a fair opportu 



H LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781 

nity presented to strike a decisive blow at the British 
detachment in Virginia, and to obtain the person of 
Arnold. In pursuance of this scheme, the General 
detached the Marquis La Fayette to Virginia with 
twelve hundred of the American infantiy : at the same 
time he requested the co-operation of the French from 
Rhodu Island. The commanding officers gladly em- 
braced the opportunity to engage in active services, 
that might prove advantageous to their American al- 
lies. 

On the death of Admiral Ternay, at Newport, the 
command of the fleet devolved on Destonches. In 
compliance with the request of General Washington, 
he sailed with his whole squadron for the 
March 8. c^ggapeak, having eleven hundred land 
troops on board. The British Admiral Arbuthnot hav- 
ing repaired the damages sustained by the storm, im- 
mediately foUow^ed the French, and on the 25th an 
action took place between the two hostile fleets. The 
battle ended without loss to either fleet, but the fruits 
of victory were on the side of the English. The joint 
expedition was frustrated, the French returned to New- 
port, and Arnold was rescued from the fate which he 
merited. 

The winter of 1781 in a degree renewed the privations 
and sufferings of the American army. The men were 
badly clothed and scantily fed ; and they had served 
almost a year without pay. Without murmuring they 
long endured their accumulated distresses. But the 
foititude of the firmest men maybe worn down. Dis 
heartened by their sufferings, despairing of relief, and 
dissatisfied, that their country did not make more ef- 
fectual exertions for their support, the spirit of mutiny 
broke out with alarming appearances. 

The Pennsylvania line stationed at Morristov/n, with 
the exception of th^ee regiments, revolted. On a con- 
certed signal, the non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates turned out with their arms, and announced the 



17?1.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 

design of marching to the seat of Congress, there to 
demand a redress of their intolerable grievances. The 
mutiny defied opposition. In the attempt to quell it, 
one officer was killed, and several dangerously wound- 
ed. General Wayne, in a threatening attitude, drew 
his pistol, the mutineers presented their bayonets to 
his breast and said, *' General, we love and respect you, 
but if you fire, you are a dead man. We are not going 
to the enemy, on the contrary if they were now to come 
out, you should see us fight under your orders v/ith as 
much alacrity as ever ; but we will no longer be amus- 
ed, we are determined on obtaining what is our jusf 
due." Thirteen hundred of them, under officers of 
their own election, marched in order for Princeton 
with their arms and six field pieces. They committed 
no oth^r act of violence, than to demand of the inha 
bitants provisions for their necessary support. 

Congress sent a Committee of their own body to 
confer with them. They demanded the redress of 
their grievances as the basis of accommodation. Sir 
Henry Clinton sent out agents to invite them to his 
standard, promising them more advantageous terms 
than those demanded of Congress. They with indig 
nation rejected his proposals, and delivered over his 
emissaries to General Wayne, who hanged them as 
spies. President Reed offered the mutineers a purse 
of a hundred guineas as a reward for the surrender 
of tiie British emissaries. This they refused, declaring 
that " what they had done was only a duty they owed 
their country, and they neither desired, nor would re- 
ceive any reward but the approbation of that country, 
for which they had so often fought and bled." 

The Council of Pennsylvania appointed Mr. Reed, 
tlieir President, and General Potter, a Committee to 
compromise with the soldiery, to whom the gentlemen 
from Congress transferred their powers. The Com- 
mittee felt themselves compelled to yield more to the 
demands of these soldiers in a slate of mutiny, than 



10 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

would have retained them quietly in their ranks, had 
the government of Pennsylvania seasonably attended 
to their pressing wants. Most of the artillerists, and 
many of the infantry were discharged, because their 
time of service was vaguely expressed in the orders 
under which they had enlisted. The residue received 
furloughs for forty days ; and the whole line was, for 
this period, absolutely dissolved. 

The evil did not rest with the troops of Pennsylva- 
nia. Some of the Jersey brigade at Pompton caught 
their complaining spirit, and imitated their mutinous 
example. The mutineers were mostly foreigners, and 
they made the same claims upon the country, which 
had been granted to the Pennsylvania line. 

The former instance of mutiny had taken place at a 
distance from head quarters, and General Washing- 
ton, upon serious deliberation, had resolved, not to 
hazard his authority as Commander in Chief, in the 
attempt to bring the revolters to order by the influence 
of his personal character ; but to leave the delicate 
transaction with the civil government of the state , 
and he was satisfied with the result. But he perceived 
the importance of arresting the progress of a spirit, 
which threatened the dissolution of his army. Relying 
on the firmness and patriotism of the New-England 
battalions, which were composed almost exclusively 
of native Americans, he determined to reduce the 
Jersey revolters to unconditional subjection. General 
Howe was detached on tliis service, which he prompt- 
ly performed. Two or three of the ringleaders were 
executed on the spot, and complete subordination was 
restored in the brigade. 

The mutiny was suppressed, but causes of uneasi- 
ness remained, and these were not confined to the 
army. The money received into the national treasury 
from taxes imposed by state authorities, bore no pro- 
portion to the publick expense. The magazines were 
exhausted, and the states were so deficient in fur 



178].] LIFE OF WASHlNGTOiV. H 

aishing provisions for the arrny, that siipphes of evt-ry 
description were of necessity obtained by impressment. 
Publick credit being gone, the certificates of property 
in this manner taken, were considered of little value, 
and general uneasiness and murmuring ensued. These 
evils threatened the destruction of the army, and the 
loss of the American cause, unless a vital remedy was 
speedily applied to the publick disease. 

The Court of London became intimately acquainted 
with the interiour situation of the United States, and 
in consequence entertained sanguine expectations of a 
complete conquest of the States south of the Hudson. 
The letters of Lord George Germaine to Sir Ile\ry 
Clinton, which were written at this period, urged liim 
in the strongest language, to embrace the favourable 
opportunity to disperse the remnant of General Wasii- 
iNGTOiN's army, and to push his conquest of the revolted 
colonies. 

The spring of 1781 opened a gloomy prospect to tlie 
Commander in Chief. Congress had made a requl 
sition upon the several states for an army consisting 
df thirty-seven thousand men. In May, the states, 
from New-Jersey to New-Hampshire inclusive, had not 
in the field more than seven thousand infmtry. The 
men were generally new recruits, and time had not 
been given to discipline them. The cavalry and ar- 
tillery, at no period during the '^^ampaign, amounted 
to one thousand men. Supplies of provisions were 
greatly deficient, and the soldiers were almost naked, 
the clothing for the army, expected from Europe, not 
having arrived. The Quarter Master's department 
had neither funds nor credit, and the transportation of 
stores could be made only by impressments, aided by 
a military force. Measures of this violent nature ex- 
cited great uneasiness among the inhabitants ; and 
General Washington expected that actual resistance 
would be made to them. These difiiculties had been 
foreseen by the Commander in Chief; and lie liad mads 



12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781 

every possible exertion to obviate them. He had re- 
peatedly made known the urgent wants of the army 
to Congress and to the states, and had sent officers of 
fhe greatest influence into the respective governments 
to enforce his statements. 

The mind of General Washington sunk not under 
his embarrassments. He had fully reflected upon the 
dangers incident to his situation, and his resxjlution 
rose to meet them. While pondering upon his despe- 
rate prospects, he received the grateful intelligence, 
that the government of France had loaned the United 
States six millions of livres, a part of which sum was 
advanced in arms and clothing for the army ; and a 
pait paid to the draughts of General WASHiNCTOiT. 
Information was also gi^en, that this government had 
resolved to employ a respectable fleet in the American 
seas the next summer. 

The plan of vigorous operations was resumed, and 
it was determined by General Washington and the 
French commanders, that New- York should be the 
first object of their attack. On this occasion the Com- 
mander in Chief addressed letters to the Executives 
of the New-England states, and of New-Jersey, ear- 
nestly calling upon them to fill up their battalions, and 
to furnish their quotas of provision. 

The near prospect of terminating the war animated 
these States to unufual exertions. The number of 
men indeed fell short of the requisition of Congress ; 
but effectual measures were adopted to supply the 
army with provisions. Under the system of state re- 
quisition; meat, spirit, and salt were drawn from New 
England. A convention of delegates from these states 
met at Providence and adopted a system of monthly 
supplies, through the campaign. As soon as this plan 
could be carried into operation, the supplies of th«se 
articles were regular and competent. 
■ Requisitions of flour were made from New- York, 
New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania. New-York and New- 



J781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 13 

Jersey, having been much exhausted by the depreda« 
tions of the enemy, and by the necessary impressments 
of the American army, the chief dependence for this 
essential article was placed on Pennsylvania. The 
Legislature of the state was not vigorous in its mea- 
sures, and a scarcity of flour was apprehended. 

At this period, Mr. Robert Morris of Philadelphia, 
a member of Congress from that state, a merchant of 
much intelligenr.e and enterprise, was entrusted with 
the management of the finances of the United States 
To him the Legislature of Pennsylvania transferred 
the taxes appropriated to furnish the requisitions of 
Congress upon that state ; and he in consequence 
contracted to supply the national requisition. By 
his personal agency and credit, he established tem- 
porary funds, amply supplied the army with flour, and 
furnished the Quarter Master General with *.he means 
effectually to execute the duties of his department 
Through the campaign the movements of the army 
were made with facility and expedition. 

In June, the French troops marched from Newport 
to the Head Quarters of the American army. As they 
approached the North river, General Washington lai(^ 
a plan to surprise the British works at King's bridge 
On the night of the 2d of July, the plan was to be car- 
ried into execution. At this time it was expected 
Count Rochambeau would reach the scene of action, 
to assist in maintaining the ground, which the Ameri- 
can! troops might gain. To secure his co-operation, 
the Commander in Chief sent efa Aid to the Count re- 
questing him to direct his route to King's bridge, and 
to regulate his march in such a manner as to be at that 
place by the specified time. 

To mask the design, and to give a reason for the 
movement of the American army, which might not 
excite the suspicion of the British Commanjier, Gene- 
ral Washington, in orders on the 30th of June men- 
tioned that a junction with the French troops might 

Vol. II. 2 



11 LIFE OF WM3HINGTON. [1781. 

soon be expected. He, in subsequent orders, gave in- 
formation " that the French army would not come to 
that, ground, and as the General was desirous of show 
iug all the respect in his power to those generous al 
lies, who were hastening with the zeal of friends, and 
the ardour of soldiers, to share the fatigues and dan- 
gers of the campaign, he proposed to receive them at 
some other more convenient place ; and for this pur- 
^)ose would march the whole line of the American ar- 
my at three in the morning." 

General Lincoln was appointed to command the 
detachment, which was to assail the works at King's 
bridge, and on the night of the 1st of July, he embark- 
ed in boats at Tellers point, and with muffled oars 
passed down the North river, undiscovered, to Dobb's 
ferry. At this place his boats and his men were con- 
cealed. He reconnoitred the works to be attacked, 
and found that a British detachment which had been 
some time in New- Jersey', had returned, and was en- 
camped in force on the north end of York Island, and 
that an armed ship was in such a manner, stationed in 
the river, as to render it impossible for the American 
boats, without discovery, to approach the landing place. 
The attempt upon the enemy was of course relinquish 
ed 

General Washington extended his orders to an en- 
terpris), to be carried into effect, should the attempt 
on King's bridge fail. This was to bear off a corps of 
emigrants which, under the command of Colonel De- 
lancy, was posted above the British. The execution 
of this plan was left principally with the French, and 
General Lincoln was directed to take a position that 
would prevent the retreat of Delancy, and protect the 
flanks of the French from the British reinforcements 
from the Island. But the French troops did not in 
season reach the scene of action, and this scheme also 
failed. At day light a sharp skirmisli took place be- 
tween General Lincoln and a party of British light 



1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. i.- 

troops. Thes^ retreated to York Island as General 
Washington approached, who had moved the army 
to support his detachments, and to follow up any ad 
vantage they might gain. On the sixtli of July, Count 
Rochambeau joined the American army at Dobb's 
ferry. 

Early in August Count de Barrass, who had suc- 
ceeded to the command of the French fleet at Rhode 
Island, informed General Washington, that the Count 
do Grasse was to have sailed from the West Indies the 
3d of that month for the Chesapeak, with twenty-five 
ehips of the line, and three thousand land troops. 

It became necessary to determine absolutely on the 
plan of operation. The battalions in the army, under 
the immediate command of General Washington were 
not full ; it was known that the garrison at New-York 
had received a very considerable reinforcement ; and 
the French marine officers appeared not ardent in tlie 
plan to attack the harbour of this city. 

For these considerations General Washington de 
termined to relinquish the attempt on New-York, and 
to march to Virginia to lay siege to the post of Lord 
Cornwallis at Yorktown. Having resolved on this 
plan, he in a private manner adopted measures for its 
execution. 

The defence of West Point and of the other posis on 
the Hudson was committed to General Heath, and a 
large portion of the troops raised in the Nortliern 
States was for this service left under his command. 
General Washington resolved in person to conduct 
the Virginia expedition. The troops under Count Ro 
chambeau, and strong detachments from the American 
army, amounting to more than two thousand men, and 
consisting of the light infantry, Lamb's artillery and 
several other corps were destined for this expedition. 
By the 25th of August the whole body, American and 
French, had crossed the North river. 

An intercepted letter of General Washington's, in 



J6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [178]. 

which he communicated, as the result of a consulta- 
tion with the French commanders, the design to at 
tack New-York, had excited the apprehensions of tho 
British General for the safety of that city. This ap 
prehension was kept ali%'^e, and the real object of the 
Americans concealed, by preparations for an encamp- 
ment in New-Jersey opposite to Staten Island, by the 
rout of the American army, and other appearances in- 
dicating an intention to besiege New-York ; and the 
troops had passed the Delaware out of reach of annoy- 
ance, before Sir Henry suspected their destination. 

General Washington pressed forward with the ut- 
most expedition, and at Chester he received 
Skpt. 3. the important intelligence, that Count de 
Grasse had arrived with his fleet in the 
Chesapeak, and that the Marquis St. Simon had, with 
a body of three thousand land forces, joined the Mar- 
quis La Fayette. Having directed the route of his army 
!i-om the head of Elk, he, accompanied by Rocham 
Aeau, Chatelleux, Du Portail, and Knox, proceeded to 
Virginia. They reached Williamsburg the 14th of 
September, and immediately repaired on board tho Ville 
de Paris, to settle with Count de Grasse the plan of 
operation. 

The Count afterwards wrote General 
Washington, that, judging his confined 
situation to be unfavourable for a naval engagement, 
ho should sail to meet the English at sea or to block 
them up in the harbour of New-York. General Wash- 
ington apprehending that the successful issue of the 
expeditvon, which he had conceived qaorally certain, 
might by this measure be defeated, sent a despatch by 
the Marquis La Fayette to the Count, to dissuade him 
from it. Tlie Count consented to conform himself to 
the wishes of the American General, and remained at 
anchor in the bay of the Chesapeak. 

The whole body of American and French 1roop3 
reached Williamsburg by the 25th of Septembei At 



1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 

this place the allied forces were joined by a detach- 
ment of the militia of Virginia, under the command 
of Governour Nelson. Preparations were soon made 
to besiege Yorktown. 

The rivers, York and James, form a long and nar- 
row peninsula, and Lord Cornwallis had cliosen a po- 
sition on the south side of York river as a military 
post, and had strongly fortified it. Opposite to York- 
town on the north shore is Gloucester Point, which 
projects into the river, and at this place reduces its 
width to one mile. This point his Lordship a>o pos 
sessed, and fortified. Between these post? the river is 
deep, and ships of the line may here ride in safety. 
The communication between Yorktown and Glouces- 
ter Point was defended by batteries on shore, and by 
several armed ships in the river. The body of the 
British army was encamped about Yorktov.Mi, within 
a range of redoubts and field works, erected to com- 
mand the peninsula, which at this place is not more 
than eight miles wide, and to impede the approach of 
an assaulting enemy. Colonel Tarleton with six or 
seven hundred men defended Gloucester. 

On the 28th, the main body of the allied army moved 
down towards Yorktown, driving before them troops 
of horse, and the piquets of the enemy. The columns, 
as they reached the ground assigned them, encamped 
for the night and lay upon their arms. The next day 
was employed in reconnoitring the enemy's position, 
m which service Colonel Scammel, an officer of merit, 
was mortally wounded, and taken prisoner. A force 
consisting of about two thousand French and Amcii- 
cans, under the command of the French General do 
Choise, was stationed on the north side of the river, 
to watch and restrain the enemy in Gloucester. 

The French and Americans were employed until 
the 6th of October, in conveying t'^eir artillery and 
stores from the landing place to camp. On the night 
of that day, they broke ground within six hundred 

Vol. II. 2 * 



18 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781 

yards of the British lines ; and the first parallel was 
completed with little loss. On the 9th and 10th, guns 
were mounted on tJie works, and the batteries began 
to play, with visible eifect, on the lines of the enemy. 
Many of their guns were soon silenced, and their works 
damaged. By the 11th, the enemy scarcely lOturned 
a shot. The shells and red hot balls of the besiegers 
reached the British shipping in the river, and set the 
Charon frigate of forty-four guns, and several large 
transports on fire, which were entirely consumed. A 
.spirit nf emulation animated the troops of both nations, 
and the siege was prosecuted with vigour and effect. 
On the night of the 11th, the second parallel was be- 
gun y/ithin three hundred yards of the British lines. 
The working parties were not discovered until day- 
light, when tlie trenches wore in a situation to cover 
the men. Three days weje spent in completing the 
batteries of this parallel, which time tlie British inde- 
fatigably employed upon their lines. They opened new 
emorasures, and their fire was more destructive than 
at any previous period of the siege. Two redoubts in 
particular, advanced in front of the British lines, and 
which flanked the second parallel of the Americans, 
gave great annoyance ; and it was deemed necessary 
to carry them by storm. 

To prevent national jealousy, and to keep alive the 
spirit of emulation, the attack of one was assigned to 
the American troops, and that of the other to the 
French. The Marquis La Fayette commanded the 
American detachment consisting of light infantry, 
which was designed to act against the redoubt near 
the river, and the Baron de Viominel, with the grena- 
diers and chasseurs of his nation, was ordered to storm 
the redoubt nearer to the British right. Colonel Hamil- 
ton, vvho through this campaign commanded a bat- 
talion of liglit iufantry, led the advanced corps of the 
Americans to the assault, while Colonel Laurens 
turned the redoubt and attacked in the rear, to pre- 



1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 

vent, the retreat of the garrison. Without giving time 
for the abattis to be removed, and without firing a gun, 
the Americans gallantly assaulted, and instantly car- 
ried the works. Their loss was one sergeant and eight 
privates killed ; and six officers, and twenty-six rank 
and fil3 wounded. The garrirou vmr corfrnanded by 
a Major, and consisted of about fifty men. Of these, 
eight privates were killed, a few individuals escaped, 
and the residue were made prisoners.* 

The redoubt attacked by the French was garrisoned 
by one hundred and twent}'^ men, it made more resist- 
ance and was overcome at the loss of near one hundred 
men. Of the garrison eighteen were killed, and three 
officers and about forty privates Avere made prisoners. 

The Commander in Chief was highly pleased with 
the gallantry of the attacking troops on this occasion. 
In general orders he congratulated the army on the 
success of the enterprise, and thanked the troops for 
their cool and intrepid conduct. '• The General re- 
flects," conclude the orders, '• v/ith the highest degree 
of pleasure, on the confidence which the troops of the 
two nations must hereafter have in each other. As- 
sured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no 
danger, v/hich they will not cheerfully encounter, no 

* This event took j)lace soon after the wanton slaughter of 
the men in Fort Griswold in Connecticut by the British. " The 
irritation of this recent carnag-e had not so far subdued the 
humanity of the American character as to induce retaliation. 
Not a man was killed except in action. ' Incapable,' said 
Colonel Hamilton in his report, 'of imitating examples of bar- 
barity, and forgetting' recent pro\ocaiion, the soldiery .>pared 
ever}' man that ceased to resist.' Mr. (iordon, in his Histoiy 
of the American War, states, the orders given by La Fayette, 
with the approbation of Washington', to have directed, thai 
every man in the redoubt, after its suriender, should be put 
to the sword. These sanguinary orders, so repugnant to the 
character of the Commander in Chief, and of La Fayette, 
were never g-iven. There is no trace of them among" the papers 
of General Washington ; and Colonel Hamilton, wl)o took 
a part in the enterprise, which assures his perfect knowledge 
of every material occurrence, has publickly contradicted th« 
statement."' " Jucljrc Marsholl. 



20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781 

difficulty which they will not bravely overcome." The 
redoubts were the same nit^ht included within the 
second parallel. 

Lord Cornwallis v/ell knew that the fire of the se 
cond parallel would soon render his works untenable, 
and determined to attempt to destroy it. The sortie 
appointed for this service consisted of three hundred 
and fitly men, and was commanded by Lieutenant 
Colonel Abercrombie. With great impetuosity, he at- 
tacked two batteries that were in the greatest forward 
,^ ness and carried them ; but the guards from 
the trenches advancing, he was compelled to 
retreat without having effected his purpose. A few 
pieces of cannon were hastily spiked ; but they were 
soon again rendered fit for use. The service was 
honourable for the officers and men engaged, but the 
8iege was not protracted. 

By the afternoon of the IGth the British works sunk 
under the fire of the batteries of the second parallel ; 
in the whole front attacked, they could not show a 
single gun, and their shells were nearly expended. In 
this extremiiy his Lordship adopted the desperate reso- 
lution to attempt an escape. Leaving the sick and 
wounded in his posts, he determined with his efficient 
force to cross over to Gloucester, disperse the troops 
under De Choise, mount his troops upon horses that 
might be found in the country, direct his course to 
the fords of the Great rivers, and make his way to 
New-York. For this purpose boats were collected, 
and other necessary measures taken. On the night 
of the 16th the first embarcation arrived in safety at 
Gloucester, but at the moment the boats were return- 
ing, a violent storm arose, which forced them down 
the river. At day-light the storm subsided, and the 
boats were sent to bring back the soldiers to Yorktown, 
which with little loss, was accomplished in the course 
of the forenoon. 

On the morning of the 17th, the firo of the Amen* 



1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 

can batteries became intolerable, which soon, by its 
reiterated effects, rendered the British post untenable. 
Lord Cornwallis, perceiving furtlier resistance to be 
unavailing, about ten o'clock beat a parley, and pro- 
posed a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours, 
that Commissioners miglit meet to settle the terms on 
which the posts of York and Gloucester should be sur- 
rendered. General Washington, in his answer, de- 
clared his " ardent desire to spare the effusion of blood, 
and his readiness to listen to such terms as were ad- 
missible ;" but to prevent loss of time, he debired " that, 
previous to the meeting of the Commissioners, the 
proposals of his Lordship njight be transmitted in 
writing, for which purpose a suspension of hostilities 
for two hours should be granted." The terms proposed 
by his Lordship, were such as led tlie General to sup- 
pose that articles of capitulation might easily be ad- 
justed, and he continued the cessation of hostilities 
until the next day. To expedite the business, he sum- 
marily stated the terms he was willing to grant, and 
informed Earl Cornwallis, that if he admitted these aa 
the basis of a treaty. Commissioners might meet to put 
them into form. Accordingly Viscount de Noailles, 
and Lieutenant Colonel Laurens on the part of the 
allies, and Colonel Dundas and Major Ross, on the 
part oT the English, met the next day and adjusted 
articles of capitulation, which were to be submitted to 
the consideration of the British General. Resolving 
not to expose himself to any accident that might be 
the consequenct of unnecessary delay, General Wash- 
ington ordered the rough draught of the Commis- 
sioners to be fairly transcribed, and sent to Lord Corn- 
wallis early next morning, v/ith a letter, expressing 
his expectation tliat the garri.son would march out by 
two o'clock in the afternoon. Hopeless of more fa- 
vourable terms, his Lordship signed the capitulation, 
and surrendered the posts of York and Gloucfstcr with 
their garrisons to General Washington : and tlv 



S3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

shipping- in the harbour, with the seamen to Count de 
Grasse. 

The prisoners, exclusive of seamen, amounted to 
more than seven thousand, of which, between four and 
five thousand were fit for duty. The garrison lost 
during the sienro, six officers and five hundred and 
forty-eight privates in killed and wounded. The pri- 
vates with a competent nusnber of officers were to re- 
main in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania. The 
officers not required for this service, were permitted 
on parole to return to Europe, or to anyoftlie mari- 
time posts of the English on the American continent. 
Lord Cornwallis attempted to introduce into the treaty 
an article in favour of those Americans who had joined 
his standard ; but General Washington referred their 
case to the civil authority. Permission however was 
granted to his Lordship to send the Bonetta sloop of 
war, unsoarched, to New-York to carry his despatches 
to Sir Henry Clinton, and in her those Americans 
went passengers, who had, in tlie higliest degree in- 
curred the resentment of their countrymen. The 
terms granted to Earl Cornwallis were, in general, 
the terms which had been granted to the Americans 
at tlie surrender of Charleston ; and General Lincoln, 
who on that occasion resigned his sword to Lord Corn- 
wallis, was appointed to receive the submission of the 
royal army. 

The allied army, to which Lord Cornwallis surren- 
dered, amounted to sixteen thousand ; seven thousand 
Frrnch, five thousand five hundred continental troops, 
and three thousand five hundred militia. In the course 
of the siege, they lost in killed and wounded about 
three hundred. The siege was prosecuted with so 
much military judgment and ardour, that the treaty 
was opened tiie 11th, and the capitulation signed the 
13th day after ground v/as broken before the British 
lines. Tile whole army received tlie unreserved ap 
probation of tlie Ooneral. But tlie peculiar services 



1781.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON i»3 

of paiticular corps entitled them to special notice. 
The artillerists and the engineers greatly distinguished 
themselves. Brigadiers Du Portail and Knox were 
promoted to be Major Generals. Major Goierals 
Lincoln and the Marquis La Fayette were mentioned 
with high commendations, and Governour Nelson, 
who commanded the militia was thanked for his effec- 
tual exertions in the field, and in furnishing the army 
with such articles as his state afforded. To Count 
Rochambeau, to the French officers and troops. Gene- 
ral Washington expressed his acknowledgments in 
flattering language. 

The British General and Admiral at New-York had 
not been inattentive to the perilous situation of Lord 
Cornwallis. Admiral Rodney in the West Indies had 
early been apprized of the intention of Count do Grasse 
to visit the American coast ; but not supposing that 
the whole of the French fleet on that station, would 
be employed on this service, Rodney detaclied Sir 
Samuel Hood to the continent with fourteen sail of 
line of battle ships. Sir Saniv.el reached the mouth 
of the Chesapeak before de Grasse, and finding no 
enemy there, sailed along the coast to Sandy Hook. 
Admiral Greaves then lay in tlie harbour of New-York 
with seven ships of the line. Immediately after the 
arrival of Hood, intelligence was received that Count 
de Barrass had sailed from Newport. Admiral Greaves 
with the whole British squadron without loss of time 
sailed in pursuit of him, and on the 24th of September 
he discovered the French fleet under de Grasse con- 
sisting of twenty four ships of the line, riding at an- 
chor ii the Chesapeak and extending across its en- 
trance. Count de Grasse ordered his ships to slip 
their cables and form the line of battle. A partial en- 
gagem'jnt took place, in which some of the English 
ships were considerably damaged. The hostile lloets 
mancBUvred for four or five days in sight of each other, 
and Count de Grasse then returned to his anchorage 



ri4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [17S1. 

ground. Here he found Count do Barrass who had 
talten a wide circuit to avoid tiie Eutrlisli, and had, 
while the hostile fleets were at sea, entered the Cliesa- 
peak with the squadron from Newport, consisting of 
five ships and fourteen transports, laden with heavy 
artillery and military stores for the siego. Admiral 
Greaves returned to New-York to repair. 

In the course of a few days, the British squadron 
was augmented to twenty-five ships y)i^ the line, and 
Sir Henry Clinton determined to encounter every 
hazard in the attempt to relieve Earl Cornwallis. He 
embarked seven thousand of his best troops, and, con 
v<>yed by the fleet, sailed on the very day of the capitu- 
lation, for Virginia. At the entrance of the Chesapeak, 
on the 24th of October, he received information of the 
surrender of his Lordship, and he returned to New 
York. 

The capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army ex- 
cited universal joy through the United States. In a 
circuitous route from Charleston to Yorktown, this 
army had marched ok . :n hundred miles and had 
spread terronr and distress through the whole extent. 
From this dvead the country was delivered. The sur- 
render of a second royal army, the Americans deemed 
an event decisive of the independence of the United 
States, and which would speedily terminate the war. 

The day after the capitulation General WASHij?G- 
roN ordered, '• that those who were under arrest should 
be pardoned and set at liberty ;" and announced, that 
" Divine service shall be performed to-morrow in the 
different brigades and divisions. The Commander in 
Chief recommend--!, that all the troops that a.e not 
upon duty do assist at it with a serious deportment, 
and that sensibility of heart, which the recollection of 
the surprising and particular interposition of provi- 
dence in our favour claims." Congress as soon as they 
received General Washington's official letter giving 
intbrmatioii of the event, resolved to go in procession 



1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2^ 

to the Dutch Lutlieran Church, and return thanks to 
Almighty God for the signal success of the American 
arms ; and tJiey issued a proclamation, recommending 
to the citizens of the United States to observe the 
thirteenth of December as a day of Publick Thanks- 
giving and Prayer. The news of the capture of Earl 
Cornwallis was every where received with exultation 
and publick rejoicing. 

Congress for this achievement, voted the thanks of 
the United States to General Washington, to Count 
Rochambeau, to Count de Grasse, to the officers of 
the allied army generally, and to the corps of artillery 
and engineers in particular. They also resolved 
that a marble column should be erected at York- 
tewn in Virginia, bearing emblems of the alliance be- 
tween the United States and his Most Christian 
Majesty, and inscribed with a succint narrative of the 
surrender of the British army under the command of 
Earl Cornwallis. Two stands of colours taken from 
the royal troops, were presented to General Wash- 
ington, two field pieces to Count Rochambeau ; and 
application was made to the French Court that Count 
de Grasse might be permitted to accept a testimonial 
of the approbation of Congress, similar to that which 
Rochambeau had received. 

To the Commander in Chief the most affectionate 
and respectful addresses were presented by the govern- 
ments of the states, by the authorities of cities, and by 
the corporations of literary institutions. 

The decided superiority of the allies in naval and> 
land forces. General Washington wished to direct to 
the conquest of the British posts at Carolina and Geor- 
gia. He addressed a letter to Count de Grasse on this 
subject, requesting his co-operation in measures di- 
rected to these objects. But the Count declined, de- 
claring that the service of his King demanded his 
immediate return to the West Indies. 

Orders were of course issued for the disposition of 

Vol. II. 3 



S6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. 

the allied armies for the approaching wmier. Major 
General St. Clair was detached with two brigades to 
South Carolina to reinforce General Green. The 
French forces remained in Virginia. The Eastern 
troops embarked early in November for the Head of 
Elk, under the command of General Lincoln, who was 
ordered to march them from the place of their landing 
into New-Jersey and New-York, and to canton them 
for the winter in those states. Count de Grasse with 
his fleet sailed for the West Indies, and General Wash 
INGTON proceeded to Philadelphia. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Pretiarations for anollier Campaign — Sir Guy Carlf^ton arrives at 
Kew-York and announces the vote of Parliament to acknowledge 
American Indt'iicndcnce — Army anxious for tlicir Pay — Anony- 
mous Address exciting tiiem to a llcvoll — General Wasliin^ton 
convenes an<l addresses the OfHcers — Their resolutions — \te- 
liminary Articles of Peace received — Cessation of Hostilities 
proclainicd — General Washington addresses a Circular Letter 
to the Executives of the Several States — Army disbanded — New 
Levies of Pennsylvania revolt — The Commander in Chief entOM 
New- York — Takes leave of jiis Officers — Resigns his Commis- 
sion to the President of Congress — Retires to Mount Vernon. 

L Thk brilliant issue of the last campaign did 
not relax the vigilance of General Washington. He 
deemed it true policy to call forth all the resources of 
the country, that the United States might be prepared 
for the conflicts of another year, or, might take a com- 
manding attitude in a negotiation for peace. From 
Mount Vernon, on his way to the seat of government, 
he wrote General Green, " I shall attempt to stimulate 
Congress to tiie best improvement of our late success, 
by taking the most vigorous and effectual meastircs to 
be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next 
year. My greatest fear is that, viewing this stroke in 
a point of light which may too much magnify its im^ 
portance, they may think our work too nearly closed, 
and fall into a «state nf languor and relaxation. To 



1762.} LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 

prevent this errour, I shall employ every means in my 
power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, 
no part of the blame shall be mine."' 

He reached Philadelphia the 27'th of November, and 
on thb next day had an audience of Congress. The 
President informed him that a committee wa? appointed 
to arrange the military establishment of the ",cxt 3'ear, 
and that he was requested to remain in Pniladelphia 
to assist in this important business. At the consulta- 
tions of this committee, the Secretary of War, the 
Minister of Finance, and the Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs assisted. The arrangements were made with 
despatch, and on the 10th of December, Congress 
passed the resolves for the requisitions of men and 
inoney for the year 1782 upon the several states ; and 
the personal influence of the Commander in Chief was 
on this occasion used, to persuade the state govern- 
ments seasonably to comply with the resolutions of 
Congress. 

1782. The first intelligence from the British govern- 
ment, after the surrender of Earl Cornwallis, indicated 
a design to continue the American war ; but early in 
May, Sir Guy Carlton arrived at New-York, to super- 
sede Sir Henry Clinton as Commander in Chief of tlie 
British army ; and he and Admiral Digby were ap- 
pointed Commissioners to treat with the United States 
upon terms of peace. He communicated to General 
Washington a vote of the British Parliament against 
the prosecution of the American war ; and a bill au 
Ihorising the King to conclude a peace or truce with 
the revolted provinces of North America. Sir Guy pro- 
fessed his pacifick disposition, and proposed that hostili- 
ties should cease, as these would produce individual 
distress without national advantage. This bill, when 
Sir Guy left England had not passed into a law, and 
therefore was not a proper basis of negotiation ; and 
the Commander in Chief continued his defensive pre- 
parations 



28 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782 

In August Sir Guy officially informed General 
Washington, that negotiations for a general peace 
had commenced at Paris ; and that his Britannick 
Majesty had directed his Minister to propose the In 
dependence of the United States as a preliminary. 

The deficiency of the states in paying their respec 
live requisitions of money into the national treasury 
subjected the Minister of Finance to extreme difficul- 
ty ; but by anticipating the publick revenue, and by 
exerting, to the utmost, his personal influence, he was 
enabled barely to support the army. Neither Officers 
nor men received any pay. In September Congress 
contemplated the reduction of their military establish- 
ment. By this measure many of the officers would be 
discharged. In a confidential letter to the Secretary 
of War, the Commander in Chief expressed a full 
persuasion, that the gentlemen would gla,dly retire to 
private life, could they be reinstated in a situation as 
favourable as that which they quitted for the service 
of their country ; but added he, 

*' I cannot help fearing the result of the measure, 
when I see such a number of men goaded by a thou- 
sand stings of reflection on the past, and of anticipa- 
tion on the future, about to be turned into the world, 
soured by penury, and what they call the ingratitude 
of the publick ; involved in debts without one farthing 
of money to carry them home, after having spent the 
flower of their days, and many of them, their patri- 
monies in establishing the freedom and independence 
of their country ; and having suffered every thing 
which human nature is capable of enduring on this 
side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect on these ir- 
ritable circumstances, unattended by one thing to 
sooth their feelings, or brighten the gloomy prospect, 
I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will 
follow of a very serious and distressing nature. 

" I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture 
BO far as the real life would justify me in doing, or I 



IV i2.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 

would give anecdotes of patriotism and distress which 
have scarcely ever been paralleled, never surpassed in 
the> history of mankind. Bat you may rely upon it, 
the patience and long-suffering of this army are almost 
exhausted, and there never was so great a spirit :<£ 
discontent as at this instant. While in the field, I 
thmk it may be kept from breaking out into acts of 
outrage; but when we retire i-nto winter quarters, 
(unless the storm be previously dissipated) I cannot 
be at ease respecting the consequences. It is .ligh 
time for a peace." 

Although the military services of the field did not 
require the presence of the Commander in Chief, yet 
he was induced on account of the irritable state of the 
army to remain the whole s'^ason in camp. 

The disquietude of the army arose more from an ap' 
prehension, that their country would ultimately fail in 
the compensation promised them, than from the defi- 
ciency of proiTipt payment. 

In October 17S0, Congress had passed a resolution, 
granting half pay to the officers for life ; but they had 
no funds to pledge for the fulfilment of these engage- 
ments. Publick opinion seemed to be opposed to the 
measure, and the pointed opposition by a number of 
the members of the National Legislature, rendered it 
doubtful whether a future Congress would feel them- 
selves bound by tliat resolution. This doubt was 
strengthened by the consideration tliat, since the pas- 
sage of the resolution, the articles of confederation had 
been adopted, and by these the concurrence of nino 
states, in Congress assembled, is necessary to the ap- 
propriation of publick money. Could absolute confi- 
dence be placed in the honour and faith of the National 
Council, still they must depend on state sovereignties 
for the ways and means to execute their promises. 
The country had been greatly deficient to the army, 
in the time of war, when their services were absolute- 
ly necessary. Would this country, amidst tV''^ «!ficurity 

Vol. II 3 * ' 



30 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783 

and tranquillity of peace, be more just ? As the pros- 
pects of immediate peace brightened, the attention of 
the officers became the more engaged to secure a com- 
pensation for those services which were the means to 
establish the independence of their country. In De- 
cember they- presented a memorial to Congress, stalvn.c 
that many of them had expended their private fortuneis, 
and most of them the prime of life in the service of 
their country, and petitioning that a gross sum mighi 
be granted them for the money actually due, and as a 
commutation for half pay. They chose a committee 
of officers to present their petition to Congress, and to 
ittend its passage through that honourable body. 

At this period, Congress was much divided in opi- 
nion upon the most important publick questions. State 
jealousies and interests arose in opposition to the en- 
gagements of the Nation ; and although part of Con 
gress, respectable for number and weight of character, 
acknowledged the merit of the military, and were in- 
clined to do them justice, yet in March, the 
1783. committee at the seat of government wrote the 
oflicers in camp, that no decisive measures were 
taken upon their petition. At this time, the intelli- 
gence arrived that the provisioned articles of peace be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain were signed. 
The army viewed the moment as the crisis of their desti- 
ny. They recollected their past sacrifices, they felt 
their present wants, and anticipated future sufferings. 
Resenting the ingratitude of their country, and appre- 
hending that it would ultimately be unjust, an irrita- 
ble state of mind ensued, which threatened violences 
that would tarnish the glory of their own services, and 
commit the peace of their country. 

On the 10th of March, an anonymous paper was 
circulated, requesting a meeting at eleven o'clock, on 
the next day, at the public building, of the general and 
field officers, of an officer from each company, and a 
delegate from the medical staff to *' consider their late 



1783.] f.IFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 

letter from their representatives iu Philadelphia, and 
what nieasures (if any) should be adopted to obtain 
that redress of grievances which they seemed to have 
solicited in vain." 

On the same day, the following publication, artful- 
ly addressed to the passions of the officers, and admi- 
rably calculated to stimulate them to adopt the despe- 
rate measure it recommended, was circulated through 
the camp. 

" To the Officers of the Armij. 
" Gentlemen, 

*' A fellow soldier, whose interest and affections bind 
him strongly to you, whose past sufferings have been 
as great, and whose future fortune may be as despe- 
rate as yours — would beg leave to address you. 

" Age has its claims, and rank is not without its pre- 
tensioi>s to advise ; but though unsupported by both, 
he flatters himself, that the plain language of since- 
rity and experience will neither be unheard nor un- 
regarded. 

"Like many of you, he loved private life, and left 
it with regret. He lefl it. determined to retire from 
the field, "wilh the necessity that called him to it, and 
not until then — not until the enemies of his country, 
the slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice, were 
compelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge 
America, as terrible in arms, as she had been humble 
in remonstrance. With this object in view, he has 
long shared in your toils and mingled in your dangers. 
He has felt the cold hand of poverty without a mur- 
mur, and has seen tiie insolence of wealth without a 
sigh — but, too much under the direction of his wishes, 
and sometimes weak enough to mistake desire for 
opinion, he has until lately, very lately, believed in the 
justice of his country. He hoped that as the clouda 
of adversity scattered, and as the eunshine of peace 
and better fortune broke '"n upon us, the coldness end 
severity of government -rould relax, and that more 



S2 LIFE OF WASHlNGTOx\. [178^ 

than justice, that 'gratitude would blaze forth upon 
those hands which had upheld her in the darkest 
stages of her passage, from impending servitude to 
acknowledged independence. Brl faith has its limits 
as well as temper, and there are points beyord which 
neitjier can be stretched, without sinking into coward- 
ice, or plunging into credulity — This, my tnends, I 
conceive to be your situation — hurried to the very 
verge of both, another step would ruin you for ever — 
to be tame and unprovoked when injuries press hard 
upon you, is more than weakness ; but to look up for 
kinder usage, without one manly effort of your own, 
would fix your character, and show the world how 
richly you deserve those chains you broke To guard 
against this evil, let us take a review of the ground 
upon which we now stand, and from thence carry our 
thoughts forward for a moment, into the unexplored 
field of expedient. 

" After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for 
which we set out is at length brought within our reach 
— yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours was 
active once — it has conducted the United Slates of 
America through a doubtful and a bloody war. It has 
placed her in the chair of independency, and peace re- 
turns again to bless — whom .'' A country willing to 
redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward 
your services ? A country courting your return to 
private life, with tears of gratitude, and smiles of ad- 
miration, longing to divide with you that independen- 
cy which your gallantry has given, and those riches 
which your wounds have preserved ? Is this the case ? 
Or is it rather a country that tramples upon your 
rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses .' 
Have you not more than once suggested your wishes, 
and made knuwn your wants to Congress ? Wants and 
wishes which gratitude and policy should have antici- 
pated rather than evaded ; and have you not lately in 
the meeklan^aago of entreating memorials, begged 



1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 33 

from their justice, what you could no longer expect 
from their favour ? How have you been answered ? 
Let the letter wliicli you are called to consider to-mor- 
row reply. 

" If this, then, be your treatment while the swords 
you wear are necessary for the defence of America, 
what have you to expect from peace, when your 
voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by divi- 
sion .'' When those very swords, the instruments and 
companions of your glory shall be taken from your 
sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction 
left but your wants, infirmities, and scars ? Can you 
then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolu- 
tion, and retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, 
wretchedness, and contempt .'' Can you consent to 
wade through the vile mire of dependency', and owe 
the misera])le remnant of that life to charity, which 
has hitherto been spent in honour .' If you can — go 
— and carry with you the jest of tories and the scorn 
of whigs — the ridicule, and what is worse, the pity of 
the world. Go, starve, and be forgotten ! But if your 
spirit should revolt at this ; if you have sense enough 
to discover, and spirit enough to oppose tyranny, un- 
der whatever garb it may assume ; whether it be the 
plain coat of republicanism, or the splendid robe of 
royalty ; if you have not yet learned to discriminate 
between a people and a cause, between men and prin- 
ciples — awake ; attend to your situation, and redress 
yourselves. If the present moment be lost, every fu- 
ture effort is in vain ; and your threats then, will be as 
empty as your entreaties now. 

" I would advise you, therefore, to come to some 
final opinion upon what you can bear, and what you will 
suffer. If your determination be in any proportion to 
your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the 
fears of government. Change the milk and water style 
of your last memorial ; assume a bolder tone — decent, 
but lively, spirited, and determined, and suspectthe man 



34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

who would advise to more moderation and longer 
forbearance f^et two or tliree men who can feel as 
well as write, be appointed to draw up your last re- 
monstrance ; for I would no longer give it the sueing, 
soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. Let it be re- 
presented in language that will neither dishonour you 
by its rudeness, nor betray 3'ou by its fears, what has 
been promised by Congress, and what has been per- 
formed — how long, and how patiently you have suffer- 
ed — how little you have asked, and how much of that 
little has been denied. Tell them that though you 
were the first, and would wish to be the last to en- 
counter danger, though despair itself can never drive 
you into dishonour, it may drive you from the field ; 
that the wound often irritated, and never healed, may 
at length become incurable ; and that the slightest mark 
of indignity from Congress now must operate like tho 
grave, and part you for ever : that in any political 
event, the army has its alternative. If peace, that no- 
thing shall separate you from your arms but death : if 
war, that courting the auspices, and inviting the di- 
rection of your illustrious leader, you will retire to 
some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and mock 
when their fear cometh on. But let it represent also, 
that should they comply with the request of your late 
memorial, it would make you mor5 happy, and them 
more respectable. That while war should continue, 
you would follow their standard into the field, and 
when it came to an end you would withdraw into the 
shade of private life, and give the world another sub- 
ject of wonder and applause ; an army victorious over 
its enemies — victorious over itself." 

Tho reluctance which Congress manifested to com- 
pensate the army for seven years' glorious service, ex- 
cited a temper too favourable to the purposes of the 
writer of this intemperate address. Probably the in 
fluence of General Washington alone could have ar 
ested the rit 'ng temnest ; and his firmness and pru 



178'^.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 

dence were equal to the occasion. Silence in him 
would have encouraged the desperate to the prosecu- 
tion of the most rash design ; and strong and violent 
measures would have enkindled the smothered spark 
into a destructive flame. Noticing in general orders 
the anonymous publication, he expressed his confidence 
that the judgment and patriotism of the army would for- 
bid their " attention to such an irregular invitation, 
but his own duty," he added, '' as well as the reputa- 
tion and the true interest of the army required his dis- 
approbation of such disorderly proceedings. At the 
same time, he requested the general and field oflficers, 
with one officer from each company, and a proper re 
presentation from the staff of the army, to assemble at 
twelve on Saturday the 15th, at the new building, to 
hear the report of the committee deputed by the army 
to Congress. After mature deliberation, they will de- 
vise what further measures ought to be adopted as 
raost rational and best calculated to obtain the just and 
important object in view." The senior officer in rank 
was directed to preside, and to report the result of their 
deliberations to the Commander in Chief. 

The next day a second anonymous address was pub- 
lished. The writer affected to consider the orders of 
the General as countenancing the convention, recom- 
mended in the first publication. 

On the 15th the officers met agreeably to orders, 
and General Gates took the chair. The Commander 
in Chief then addressed them. 
'' Gentlemen, 

" By an anonymous summons an attempt has been 
made to convene you together. How inconsistent 
with the rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how 
subversive of all order and discipline, let the good sense 
of the army decide. 

" In the moment of this summons, another anony- 
nn-us production was sent into circulation, addressed 
more to the feelings and passions than to the judg- 



36 LIFE OF WAFHINCxTON. [1783. 

ment of the army. The author of the piece is enti- 
tled to much credit for the goodness of his pen ; and I 
could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of 
his heart ; for, as men see through different opticks, 
and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the mind, 
to use different means to attain the same end, the au- 
thor of the address should have had more charity than 
to mark for suspicion the man who should recommend 
moderation and longer forbearance ; or in other words, 
who should not think as he thinks, and act as he ad- 
vises. But he had another plan in view, in which can- 
dour and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice and 
love of country, hpve no part ; and he was right to in- 
sinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the blackest 
design. That the address was drawn with great art, 
and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes ; 
fliat it is calculated to impress the mind with an idea 
of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of 
fee United States, and rouse all those resentments 
which must unavoidably f!ow from such a belief; that 
the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may 
be, intended to take advantage of 'lie passions, while 
thi^y were warmed by the recollection of past distress- 
es, without giving time for cool, delibepative thinking, 
and that composure of mind which is so necessary to 
give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too 
obvious, by the mode of conducting the business, to 
Docd other pix>of than a reference to the proceedings. 
" Thus much, gentlemen, T have thought it incum- 
bent on me to observe to you, to show upon what prin- 
ciples I opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which 
was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last, and 
not because I v/anted a disposition to give you every 
opportunity, consistent with your own honour, and the 
dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. 
If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you, that 
I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declara- 
Uoo of it at this time would be equally unavailing and 



1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 

improper. But as I was ainong the first who embark- 
ed in the cause of our common country ; as I have ne- 
ver left your side one moment, but when called from 
you on publick duty ; as I have been the constant com- 
panion and witness of your distresses, and not among 
the last to feel and acknowledge your merits ; as I 
have ever considered my own military reputation as 
inseparably connected with that of the army ; as my 
heart has ever expanded with joy when I ha-m heard 
its praises, and my indignation has arisen whon the 
mouth of detraction has been opened against it } it can 
scarcel}'- be supposed at this last stage of the war, that 
I am indifferent to its interests. But how are they to 
be promoted ? The way is plain, says the anonymous 
addresser I If war continue, remove into the unsettled 
country ; there establish yourselves, and leave an un- 
grateful country to defend itself; — but who are they 
to defend ? Our wives, our children, our farms and 
other property whicl) we leave behind us .'' Or in this 
state of hostile separation, are we to take the two first, 
(the latter cannot be removed) to perish in a wilderness 
with hunger, cold, and nakedness ? 

" If peace takes place, never sheath your swords," 
says he, '' until you ha^'e obtained full and ample jus- 
tice." This dreadful alternative of either deserting 
our country in the extremest hour of her distress, or 
turning our arms against it, which is the apparent ob- 
ject, unless Congress can be compelled into instant 
compliance, has something so shocking in it, that hu- 
manity revolts at the idea. My God ! What can this 
writer have in view, by recommending such measures .- 
Can he be a friend to the army .'' Can he be a friend 
to this country ? Rather is he not an insidious foe ; 
some emissary, perhaps, from New- York, plotting the 
ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and sepa- 
ration between the civil and military powers of the 
continent ? And what a compliment does he pay to our 
understandings, when he recommends measures, in ei- 

VoL 11. 4 



38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [^783. 

ther alternative, impracticable in their nature ? But 
here; gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because, it 
would be as imprudent in rne to assign my reasons 
for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your con 
ception to suppose you stood in need of them. A mo- 
ment's reflection will convince every dispassionate 
mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either 
proposal into execution. There might, gentlemen, be 
an impropriety in my taking notice, in this address to 
you, of an anonymous production ; — but the manner in 
which that performance has been introduced to the ar- 
my ; the effect it was intended to have, together with 
some other circumstances, will amply justify my obser- 
vation on the tendency of that writing. 

"With respect to the advice given by the author, to 
suspect the man who shall recommend moderate mea- 
sures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as every man 
who regards that liberty and reveres that justice for 
which we contend, undoubtedly must ; for, if men are 
to be precluded from offering their sentiments on a 
matter which may involve the most serious and alarm- 
mg consequences that can invite the consideration of 
mankind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom of 
speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we 
ntay be led, like sheep to the slaughter. I cannot ir 
justice to my own belief, and what I have great rea 
son to conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude 
this address, without giving it as my decided opinion, 
that that honourable body entertain exalted sentiments 
of the services of the army, and from a full conviction 
of its merits and sufferings, will do it complete jus- 
tice. That their endeavours to discover and estaoiish 
Tunds for this purpose have been unwearied, and will 
not cease until they have succeeded, I have not a doubt. 

" But like all other large bodies, where there is a va. 
rlety of different interests to reconcile, their determl 
nations are slow. Why then should we distrust them 
And in consequence of that distrust, adopt meaBurea 



1783.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 39 

which may cast a shade over that glory which has been 
BO justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an 
army which is celebrated tlirough all Europe for its 
fortitude and patriotism? And for what is this done ^ 
To bring the obiect we seek nearer ? No ; most cer 
laiuly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater dis- 
tance. For myself, (and I take no merit in giving the 
assurance, being induced to it from principles of gra 
titude, veracity, and justice, and a grateful sense of the 
confidence you have ever placed in roe) a recollection 
of the cheerful assistance and prompt obedience I have 
experienced from you, under every vicissitude of for 
tune, and the sincere affection I feel for an army 
have so long had the honour to command, will oblige 
me to declare in this publick and solemn manner, that 
in the attainment of complete justice for all your toils 
and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so 
far as may be done consistently with the great duty 1 
owe my country, and those powers we arc bound to re- 
spect, you may freely command my services to the 
utmost extent of my abilities. 

" While I give you these assurances, and pledge 
myself in the most unequivocal manner, to exert what- 
ever abilities I am possessed of in your favour, let me 
entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any 
measures, which viewed in the calm light of reason, 
will lessen the dignity, and sully the glory you have 
hitherto maintained : — let me request you to rely on 
the plighted faith of your country, and place a fuil 
confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress ; 
that previous to your dissolution as an army, they will 
cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as di- 
rected in the resolutions v/hich were published to you 
two days ago ; and that they will adopt the most ef- 
fectual measures in their power to render ample justice 
to you for your faithful and meritorious services. And 
let ma conjure you, in the name of our common couu 
try, as vou value your own sacred honour ; as you 



40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783 

respect the rights of humanity ; and as you regard the 
military and national character of America ; to expresa 
your utmost horrour and detestation af the man who 
wishes, under any specious prt3tences, to overturn the 
liberties of our country ; and who wickedly attempts 
to open the floodgates of civil discord, and deluge anr 
rising empire in blood. 

'■'• By thus determining, and thus acting, you wil» 
pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment ol 
your wishes ; you will defeat the insidious designs of 
our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open 
force to secret artifice. You Avill give one more dis- 
tinguished pi-oof of unexampled patriotism and patient 
virtue, rising superiour to the pressure of the most com- 
plicated suflerings ; and you will by the dignity of 
your conduct afford occasion for posterity to say, when 
speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited 
to mankind — had this day been wanting, the world 
had never seen the last stage of perfection to which 
human nature is capable of attaining." 

In the judgment, honour, and friendship of their Ge- 
neral, the officers placed unbounded confidence ; and 
his recommendations carried ii resistible weight. The 
most desperate had not the hardihood to oppose his ad- 
vice. General Knox moved, and Brigadier General 
Putnam seconded a resolution, " assuring him that the 
officers reciprocated liis affectionate expressions with 
the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is 
capable," which passed unanimously. On motion of 
General Putnam a committee w^s then chosen, con- 
sisting of General Knox, Colonel Brooks, and Captain 
Heywood, to prepare resolutions on the business before 
them. They reported the following resolutions, which 
on mature deliberation passed unanimously, 

'• Resolved unanimously, that at the commencement 
of the present war, the officers of the American army 
engaged in the service of their country from the pur- 
est love and attachment to the rights and liberties of 



1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 

human nature ; which motives still exist in the high- 
est degree ; and that no circumstances of distress or 
danger shall induce a conduct that may tend to sully 
the reputation and glory which they have acquired, 
at the price of their blood and eight years faithful ser- 
vices. 

" Resolved unanimously, that the army continue to 
have an unshaken confidence in the justice of Con- 
gress and their country, and are fully convinced that 
the Representatives of America will not disband or 
disperse the army until their accounts are liquidated, 
the balances accurately ascertained, and adequate 
funds established for payment ; and in this arrange- 
ment, the officers expect that the half pay, or a com- 
mutation for it, should be efficaciously comprehended. 

'' Resolved unanimously, that his Excellency the 
Commander in Chief be requested to write to his Ex- 
cellency the President of Congress, earnestly entreat- 
ing th3 most speedy decision of that honourable body 
upon the subject of our late address, which was for- 
warded by a Committee of the army, some of whom 
are waiting upon Congress for the result. In the al- 
ternative of peace or war, this event would be highly 
satisfactory, and would produce immediate tranquillity 
in the minds of the arm}', and prevent any further 
machinations of designing men, to sow discord between 
the civil and military powers of the United States. 

" On motion, resolved unanimously, that the officers 
af the American army view with abhorrence and re- 
ject with disdain, the infamous propositions contained 
'n a late anonymous address to the officers of the army, 
and resent with indignation the secret attempts of some 
unknown persons to collect the officers together, in a 
manner totally subversive of all discipline and good 
order. 

" Resolved unanimously, that the thanks of the offi- 
cers of the army be given to the Committee who pre- 
sented to Congress the late address of the an ny, for 
4* 



42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

the \v'is(iom and prudence with which they have con- 
ducted that business ; and that a copy of the proceed- 
ings of this day, be transmitted by the President to 
Major General MDougal ; and that he be requested 
to continue his solicitations at Congress, until the ob- 
jects of his mission are accomplished." 

Machinations which threatened the army with dis 
grace, and the country w ith ruin, being thus happily 
suppressed, General Washington without delay exe- 
cuted his promise to the officers ; and in a letter to 
Congress with feeling and force supported their claims 
upon their country. 

Soon after these proceedings, nine states concurred 
in a resolution, commutifig the half pay into a sum 
equal to five years' whole pay. Still Congress depend- 
ed on the states to furnish the funds to enable them to 
fulfil this engagement. 

In April the ratification of the preliminary articles 
of peace between France and Great Britain was receiv- 
ed, and on the 19th of that month, a cessation of hos- 
tilities was proclaimed in the American camp. 

In June General Washington addressed a circular 
letter on the important interests of the Union, to the 
Governors of the several states. — It began, 
Sir, 

" The great object for which I had the honour to 
hold an appointment in the service of my country, be- 
ing accomplished, I am now preparing to resign it into 
the hands of Congress, and return to that domestick 
retirement, v hich it is well known, I left with the 
greatest reluctance ; a retirement for which I have 
never ceased to sigh through a long and painful ab- 
sence, in which (remote from the noise and trouble of 
the world) I meditate to pass the remainder of life in 
a state of undisturbed repose ; but, before I carry this 
resolution into etfect, I think it a duty incumbent on 
me to make this my last official communication, to 
congratulate you on the glorious events which Heaven 



1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 

has been pleased to produce in our favour ; to offer my 
sentiments respecting some important subjects which 
appear to me to be mtimately connected with the tran- 
quillity of the United States ; to take my leave of 
your Excellency as a publick character, and to give my 
final blessing to that country in whose service I have 
spent the prime of my life ; for whose sake I have 
consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights ; 
an(? whose happiness being extremely dear to me, 
wilJ always constitute no inconsiderr.ble part of my 
own. 

'• Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this 
pk-asing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of de- 
tailiagthe more copiously on the subject of our mutual 
felicitation. "When we consider the magnitude of the 
priifci we contended for, the doubtful nature of the con- 
test, Knd the favourable manner in whick it has termi- 
nateu, we shall find the greatest possible reason for 
gratiiade and rejoicing : this is a tlieme that wili afford 
infinivc delight to every benevolent and lib-jral mind, 
whether the event in contemplation be considered as a 
source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future 
happiness ; and we shall have equal occasion to felici- 
tate ourselves on the lot wiiich Providence has assign- 
ed us, whether we view it in a natural, political, or 
a moral point of view. 

" Tne citizens of America, placed in the most envi- 
able condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a 
vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various 
soils and climates of the world, and abounding with 
all the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, 
by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to 
be possessed of absolute freedom and independency ; 
they are from this period to be considered as the actors 
on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be pecu- 
liarly designed by Providence for ^he display of human 
greatness and felicity : here they are not only sur- 
rounded with every thing that can contribute to the 



44 LIFE OF WASFIINGTON [1783 

completion of private ai:*^ domestick enjoyment, but 
Heaven has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a 
surer opportunity tor political happiness than any other 
nation has ever been favoured with. Nothing can illus- 
trate these observations more forcibly than the recol- 
lection of the happy conjuncture of times and circum- 
stances, under which our republick assumed its rank 
among the nations 

" The foundation of our empire was not laid in a 
gloomy age of ignorance and superstition, but at an 
epocha when the rights of mankind were better under- 
stood and more clearly denned, than at any former 
period : researches of the human mind after social 
happiness have been carried to a great extent : the 
treasures of knowledge acquired by the labours of phi 
losophers, sages, and legislators, through a long suc- 
cession of years, are laid open for use, and their 
collected wisdom may be happily applied in the es- 
tablishment of our forms of government : the free cul- 
tivation of letters, the unbounded extension of com- 
merce, the progressive refinement of manners, the 
growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the j)ure 
and benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating 
influence on mankind, and increased the blessings of 
society. At this auspicious period the United States 
came into existence as a nation, and if their citizens 
should not be completely free and happy, the fault will 
be entirely their own. 

" Such is our situation, and such are our prospects j 
but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reach- 
ed out to us, notwithstanding happiness is ours, if wo 
have a disposition to seize the occasion, and make it 
our own ; yet it appears to me, there is an option still 
left to the United States of America, whether they 
will be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible 
and n^iserable as a nation. This is the time of their 
political probation ; this is the moment, when the eyes 
of the whole world are turned upon them ; this is the 



1783 ] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 45 

time to establish or ruin their national character for 
ever ; this is the favourable moment to give such a 
tone to the Federal Government, as will enable it to 
answer the ends of its institution ; or this may be the 
ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, 
annihilating the cement of the confederation and ex 
posing us to become the sport of European politics, 
which may play one state against another, to prevent 
their growing importance, and to serve their own In 
terested purposes. For, according to the system of 
policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will 
stand or fall ; and, by their confirmation or lapse, it is 
yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ulti 
mately be considered as a blessing or a curse ; a bless- 
ing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with 
our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. 

" With this conviction of the importance of the 
present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. I will 
therefore speak to your Excellency in the language of 
freedom and sincerity, without d'sguise. I am aware, 
however, those who differ from me in political senti- 
ments, may perhaps remark, I am stepping out of the 
proper line of my duty ', and they may possibly ascribe 
to arrogance or ostentation, what I know is alone the 
result of the purest intention ; but the rectitude of my 
own heart, which disdains such unworthy motives, tho 
part I have hitherto acted in life, the determination 1 
have formed of not takmg any shnre in publick bus:- 
ness hereafter, the ardent desire J feel and shall con- 
tinue to manifest, of qui'^tly enjoying in private life, 
after all the toils of war, the benefits: of a v/ise and libe- 
ral government, will, I flatter myseb sooner or later, 
convince ray countrymen that I could nave no sinistei 
views in delivering with so little reserve, the opinions 
contained in this address. 

'• There are four things which I humbly conceive 
are essential to the well being, I may even venture to 



4b LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783 

say, to tho e'-istence of the Uniied S' ates, as an inde- 
pendent power. 

'' ]st. An indissoluble union of the states under one 
federal head. 

" 2dly. A sacred regard to publick justice. 

" 3dl} The adoption of a proper peace establish- 
ment. And, 

" 4thly. The prevalence of that pacifick and friend- 
ly disposition among the people of the United States, 
which will induce them to forget their local prejudices 
and policies, to make those mutual concessions which 
are requisite to the general prosperity, and, in some 
instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to 
the intoH-est of the community. 

" These are the pillars on which the glorious fa- 
brick of our independency and national character 
must be supported. Liberty is the basis, and whoever 
would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the 
structure, under whatever specious pretext he may at- 
tempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the 
severest punishment which can be inflicted by his in- 
jured country."' 

Having dilated on these subjects, the letter was 
thus concluded : 

" I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to 
make known before I surrendered up my publick trust 
to those who committed it to me : the task is now 
accomplished. I now bid adieu to your Excellency, as 
the Chief Magistrate of your state ; at the same time 
I bid a last farewell to the cares of oflice, and all the 
employments of publick life. 

"■ It remains, then, to be my final and only request, 
that your Excellency will communicate these senti- 
ments to your Legislature, at their next meeting ; 
and that they may be considered as the Legacy of one 
who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful 
to his country, and who even in the shade of retire- 



1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 

ment, will not fail to implore the divine benediction 
upon it. 

" I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would 
have you, and the state over which you preside, in hig 
holy protection ; that he would incline the hearts of 
the citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordination and 
obedience to government ; to entertain a brotherly af- 
fection and love for one another, for their fellow citi- 
zens of the United States at large ; and particularly 
for their brethren who have served in the field ; and 
finally, that he would most graciously be pleased to 
dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to de- 
mean ourselves with that charity, humility, and paci- 
fick temper of mind, which were the characteristicks 
of the divine Author of our blessed rehgion ; without 
a humble imitation of whose example, in these things, 
we can never hope to be a happy nation." 

From this time the disbanding the army engrossed 
the attention cf Congress and of the Commander in 
Chief. No funds were established to discharge the 
five years commutation. Large arrearages of pay 
were due to officers and privates, and it was not in the 
power of government to advance them money even to 
defray the expenses of the journey to their homes 
To disband the army in a body under these circum 
stances, was deemed a measure of too great hazard. 
Congress therefore directed" the General not to give 
discharges to the troops which were enlisted for the 
war, until the definite articles of peace should be sign- 
ed ; but to grant furloughs to all non-commisioned of- 
ficers and soldiers of this description, who desired them ; 
and they were not ordered to rejoin their regiments. 

Alarmed at this measure, the Generals, and officers 
commanding regiments and corps on the Hudson, pre- 
sented an affectioTiato and respectful address to the 
Commander in Chief, in which they expressed a duti- 
ful attachment to the government, but mentioned that 
after the late resolution of Congress, they " confident- 



43 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

ly expected that their accounts would be liquidated, 
the balances ascertained, and adequate funda for the 
payment of those balances provided, before they should 
be dispersed or disbanded." On the succeeding day, in 
answer to their address, he observed, '■ that as no man 
could possibly be better acquainted thin himself, with 
the past merits and services of the army, so no one 
;.ould possibly be more strongly impressed v.ith their 
j'/f esent ineligible situation ; feel a keener sensibility at 
their distresses ; or more ardently desire to alleviate 
or remove them." He subjoined. 

'' Although the officers of the army very well know 
my official situation, that I am only a servant of the 
publick, and that it is not with me to dispense with 
orders which it is my duty to carry into execution, yet 
as furloughs in all services are considered as a matter 
of indulgence, and not of compulsion ; as Congress, I 
am persuaded, entertained the best disposition towards 
the army ; and, as 1 apprehend, in a very short time 
the two principal articles of complaint will be removed ; 
until tlie further pleasure of Congress can be known, 
I shall not hesitate to comply with the v/ishes of the 
army, under ihese reservations only, that officers suf- 
ficient to conduct the men v/ho choose to receive fur- 
loughs, will attend them, either on furlough, or by de- 
tachment." 

This answer proved satisfactory ; good humour pre- 
vailed through the camp, furloughs were generally 
taken ; and in the course of the summer, the g'^eater 
part of the soldiers returned quietly home. 

In October, Congress issued a proclamation, de- 
claring all those soldiers, who had engaged for the war, 
discharged on the 3d of December. 

While the veteran troops, who had borne the heat 
and burden of the war, loft the service unpaid, and 
peaceably returned to the business of private life , 
about eighty new levies, stationed at Lancaster in Penn- 
sylvania, revolted from their officers, and in a body 



1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49 

marched to Philadelphia. Being there joined by two 
hundred of their companions in arms who were quar- 
tered in the barracks, they surrounded, with fixed bay- 
onets, the State House, in which Congress and the Ex- 
ecutive Council of Pennsylvania were sitting, and sent 
in a written message threatening the Council with the 
last outrage, if their demands were not, in twenty mi- 
nutes, granted. The members of Congress were not 
immediately menacfd, but they were, for several hours, 
insolently blocked up in their hall. 

As soon as General Washington received intelli 
gence of the mutiny, he detached General Howe with 
fifteen hundred men to suppress it ; but before he 
reached Philadelphia, the disttirbance was without 
bloodshed quieted. In a letter to Congress, General 
Washington thus expressed his indignation at this 
outrage of the military. 

" While I suffer the most poignant distress in observ- 
ing that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, 
and equally so in point of service, (if the veteran troops 
from the southward have not been seduced by their 
example) and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, 
should disgrace themselves and their country, as the 
Pennsylvania mutineers have done, by insulting the 
sovereign authority of the United States, and that of 
their own, I feel an inexpressible satisfaction, that even 
this behaviour cannot stain the name of the American 
soldiery. It cannot be imputable to, or reflect disho 
nour on the army at large, but on the contrary it will 
by the striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to publick 
view the other troops in the most advantageous point 
of light. Upon taking all the circumstances into con- 
sideration, I cannot sufficiently express my surprise 
and indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the 
wickedness of the mutineers j nor can I sufficiently 
admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism whi'^h 
must for ever signalize the unsullied character of the 
other corps of our army. For when we consider that 

Vol. n. 5 



50 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. 

these Pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, 
are recruits, and soldiers of a day, who have not borne 
the heat and burden of the war, and who can have, in 
reality, very few hardships to complain of; and when 
we at the same time recollect that those soldiers, who 
have lately been furloughed from this army, are the 
veterans who have patiently endured hunger, naked- 
ness, and cold ; who have suffered and bled without a 
murmur, and who with perfect good order, have re- 
tired to their homes, without a settlement of their ac- 
counts, or a farthing of money in their pockets ; we 
shall be as much astonished at the virtues of the latter, 
as we are struck with horrour and detestation at the 
proceedings of the former ; and every candid mind, 
without indulging ill grounded prejudices, will un- 
doubtedly make the proper discrimination.'' 

On the 25th of November, the British troops evacu- 
ated New-York. General Washington, accompanied 
by Governour Clinton, by a number of other civil and 
military officers, and by many respectable citizens, 
make his publick entry on horseback into the city. 

His military course being honourably and success- 
fully terminated, the painful task remained to bid adieu 
to the companions of his toils and dangers. The clos- 
ing interview took place on the 4th of December. At 
noon the principal officers of the army assembled at 
Francis's tavern, and their General soon entered the 
room. His emotions were too great for concealment 
Filling a glass of wine he turned to them and said, 
" With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take 
leave of you; 1 most devoutly wish that your latter 
days may be as prosperous and happy, as your former 
ones have been glorious and honourable." He drank 
the wine, and proceeded. " I cannot come to each of 
you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if 
each of you will come and take me by the hand." 
General Knox being the nearest, turned to him. In- 
capable of utterance, General Washington grasped 



1783.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51 

his hand and embraced him. In tlie same affecting 
manner, he took leave of each succeeding officer. 
From every eye dropped the tear of sensibility, and not 
a single word interrupted the tenderness of the scene. 
He immediately left the room, and passed through a 
corps of light infantry, on his way to White Hall, 
where a barge waited to convey hirn to Powles' Hook. 
The whole con^pany followed with feelings which 
words cannot express. Having entered the barge, he 
turned, and waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. 
Congress was then in session at Annapolis. To 
this honourable body, the General immediately re- 
paiied to resign his military command.* 

* On his way to Annapolis, he stopped at Philadelphia to 
settle his accounts ; of which transaction Dr. Gordon makes 
the following statement. 

" Wliile in the city, he delivered in his accounts to the 
Comptroller, down to December 13th, all in his ownhand-writ- 
ing, juid every entry made in the most particular manner, stat- 
ing the occasion of each charge, so as to give the least trou- 
ble in examining and comparing them w ilh the vouchers, 
with which they were attended. 

Tlie lieads are as follows, copied from the folio mannsa-ipl pa- 
per book in the fie of the treasury oJjUce, No. 3700, being a 
black box of tin, containing, under lock and key, both tlud 
and the vouchers. 
Total of Expenditures from 1775 to 1783, ex- 
clusive of Provisions from Commissaries and 
Contractors, and of liquors, &c. from them 

and others, £3387 14 4 

* Secret intelligence and ser\'ice, 1982 10 

Spent in reconnoitring zuid travelling, .... 1874 8 8 

Miscellaneous charges, 2%2 10 1 

Expended besides, dollars according to the scale 
of depreciation, biM 14 

£16,311 17 1 

*" Two hundred guineas advanced to General M'Dougal are not 
included in the £l982 10, not being yet settled, but included in 
Bome of the other charges, and so reckoned in tlio general sum." 



SB LIFE OF WASHTNGTOi^. [1783 

He arrived on the 19th, and on the next day inform- 
ed Congress of his desire to resign into their hands the 
commission with v/hich thoy had invested him as Com- 
mander in Chief of the American armies ; and he ask- 
ed in what form he should present his resignation. 
Congress resolved that it should be at a publick audi 
«nce on the succeeding Tuesday. When the moment 
of this interesting transaction arrived, the gallery waa 
crowded with spectators ; and many of the ci^il offi- 
cers of the state and of the principal officers of the 

Note. 104;3G1- of the dollars wpre received after March, 
1780, and altiinugh crediud forty for one, many did not fetch 
at the rate of a hundred fcr one, \\ liile 27,775 of them arc re- 
turned wiUiout dcductincr any thir.^ from tlie above account 
(and, therefore, actucilly mafle a present of to the publick.) 
(General Washington's account) from June, 

1775, totheeMofJune, 17C3, .... £16,311171 
[Expenditure from J'-.-'y 1, 1783, to December 

13, 1717 5 4 

( Added afterioards) from thc.ice to December 

28, 213 8 4 

Mrs. Wasliing^ton's travelling' expenses in com- 

in.£f to the (jeneral and returning 10G4 1 

£19,306 11 9 
Lawful money of Virginia, the same as the 
Massachusetts, or £14,479 18 9-|, sterling. 

" The General entered in his book — " 1 find, upon the final 
adjustmtnt of these accounts, tha* I am a considerable loser 
— my disbursements falling a good deal short of my receipts, 
and the money T had upon hand of my own: for besides the 
sunjs I carried with me to Cambridge, in 1775 I received 
monies afterwards on private account in 1777, and since which 
(except small sums that I had occasion to apply to private 
uses) were all expended in the publick service ; through hur- 
ry I suppose, and the perplexity of business (ft)r I know not 
how else to account for the deficiency) I have omitted to 
charge the same, whilst everv dcbU against me is here credit 
ed. July 1, 1783," 



I783.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON 53 

army, the French Consul General, and a lar^e body of 
respectable citizens were admitted to the floor of the 
Hall. The members of Congress, representing the 
sovereignty of the nation, were seated and covered. 
At twelve o'clock. General Washington was intro- 
duced and conducted to a chair. After a short inter- 
val the Secretary commanded silence. The President 
then informed the general, ^' that the United States in 
Congress assembled, were prepared to receive his com- 
munications." With dignity of manner suited to tha 
occasion, he arose and addressed them : 
*' Mr. President, 

" The great events, on which my resignation depend- 
ed, having at length taken place, I have now the ho- 
nour of offering my sincere congratulations to Con- 
gress, and of presenting myself before them to surren- 
der into their hands the trust committed to me, and 
to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of 
my country. 

" Happy in the confirmation of our independence 
and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity af- 
forded the United States of becoming a respectable 
nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appointment I 
accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence in my abilities 
to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was 
superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our 
cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, 
and the patronage of Heaven. 

''The successful termination of the war has verified 
the most sanguine expectations ; and my gratitude for 
the interposition of Providence, and the assistance 1 
have received from my countrymen, increases with 
every review of the momentous contest. 

*' While I repeat my obligations to the army in ge 
neral, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to 
acknov/ledge, in this place, the peculiar services and 
distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been 
attached to my person during the war. It was impos- 
5* 



84 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783 

Bible the choice of confide.xtial officers to compose my 
family should have been more fortunate. Permit me, 
sir, to recommend in particular, those who have con- 
tinued in the service to the present moment, as worthy 
of the favourable notice and patronage of Congress. 

" I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this 
last solemn act of my official life, by commending the 
interests of our dearest country to the protection of 
Almighty God, and tliose wlio have the superinten- 
dence of them to his holy keeping. 

'• Having now finished the work assigned me, I re- 
tire from the great theatre of action, and b'dding an 
affectionate farewell to this august body, under wiiose 
orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commis- 
sion, and take my leave of all the employments of 
publick life."' 

Having advanced to the chair and delivered the 
President his Commission, he received from him the 
following reply : 
" Sir, 

'' The United States in Congress assembled, re- 
ceive, with emotions too affecting for utterance, the 
solemn resignation of the authorities under which you 
have led their troops with success, through a perilous 
and a doubtful war. 

" Called upon by your country to defend its invaded 
lights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it had 
formed alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a 
government to support you. 

" You have conducted the great military contest 
with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the 
rights of the civil power, through all disasters and 
changes. You have by the love and confidence of 
your fellow citizens, enabled them to display their 
martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. 
You have persevered, till these United States, aided by 
a magnanimous king and nation, have been cnrbled 
under a just Providence, to close tlie war in freedonv. 



1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ob 

safety, and independence ; on which happy event, wo 
sincerely join you in congratulations. 

" Having defended the standard of liberty in this 
new world ; having taught a lesson useful to tho«e 
who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you re- 
tire from the great theatre of action, with the bless- 
ings of your fellow citizens ; but the glory of your 
virtues will not terminate with your military coin 
mand ; it will continue to animate neinotcst ages. 

" We feel, with you, our obligations to the army in 
general, and will particulary charge ourselves with the 
interests of those confidential oflicers, who have at 
tended your person to this affecting moment. 

" We join you in commending the intercots of our 
dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, be- 
seeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its 
citizens, to improve tlie opportunity afforded them of 
becoming a happy and respectable nation. And for 
you, we address to him our earnest prayers, that a life 
so beloved, may be fostered with all his care ; that 
your days may be as happy as tliey have been illustri- 
oij.=i ; and that he will finally give you that reward 
which this world cannot give." 

The General immediately retired from the hall of 
Congress. The minds of the spectators were deeply 
impressed by the scene. The recollection of the cir- 
cumstances of the country at the time the commission 
was accepted, the events that had since taken place, 
and the glorious issue of the conflict conspired to give 
tae scene the most lively interest. 

His country being exalted to the dignity of a sove- 
reign and independent nation, General Washington 
with great s."tisfaction recignadtbe arduous duties and 
high responsibility of his military command. He re- 
paired to Mount Vernon, in the delightful prospect of 
spending the residue of his days in the bosom of do- 
mestick life. 

With an immaculate character he had pa.ssed 



56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. 

through all the complicated transactions of a revolu- 
tionary war ; and had established an immortal reputa- 
tion as a soldier and a patriot, throughout the 'ivilized 
world. To his retirement he carried the profound 
veneration and mostlively affection of his grateful coun 
trymen. In the estimation of his friends, the measure 
of his honour was full. The extent of their wishes 
was, that no unpropitious event might take place to 
tarnish the lustre of liis reputation ; but that in peaco 
he might descend to the grave, with his laurel crown 
unfaded on his head. 



CHAPTER X. 

General Washington in Retirement — His Pursuits — Votes of Con 
gress and of the Legislature of Virginia resi)ecting him — His 
Visitors and Correspondents — I'is Plans to improve the Navi- 
gation of the Potomack and James' Rivers — Declines the grant of 
Virginia — His Advice to the Cincinnati — State of Publick Affairs 
— National Convention — General Washington its Presideit — 
Federal Constitution rficonimonded and adopted — General Wash- 
ington requested to consent to administer the GoA-ernment — He 
IS chosen President of the United States — Sets out for the Seat 
of Government — Attention shown him on his Journey — His Re- 
ception at New- York. 

J 764. Peace beuig restored to his country upon 
the broad basis of Independence, General WASHI^'OTON 
with supreme delight retired to the pursuits of private 
life. In a letter to Governour Clinton, written three 
days after his arrival at Mount Vernon, he thus 'jx- 
pressed the grateful feelings of his heart on biing 
relieved from the weight of his publick station. " The 
scene is at length closed. I feel myself eased of a load 
of publick care, and hope to spend the remainder of my 
tiays in cultivating the affections of good men, and in 
the practice of tiie domestick virtues." 

This sentiment was more fully expressed to the 
Marquis La Fayette. " I have become a private citi- 
zen on the banks of the Potomack, and under the sha- 



1784.] LIJ E OF WASHINGTON. 57 

dow of my own vine and own fig tree, free from the 
oustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of publiclc life, 
I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, 
of which the soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame, 
the statesman whose watchful days and sleepless nights 
are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare 
of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries (as if 
the globe was insufficient for us all) and the courtier 
whc is always watching the countenance of his Prince 
in the hope of catching a gracious smile, can have 
very little conception. I have not only retired from 
all publick employments, but am retiring within my- 
self, and shall be able to view the solitary walk and 
tread the paths of private life with heart-felt satisfac- 
tion. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased 
with all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order of 
my march, I will move down the stream of life, until 
I sleep with my fathers." 

But delighted as ho was with his domestick enjoy- 
ments, he fouml it to be the work of time todivesthim- 
self of the feelings and habits formed in his publick 
station. " I am just beginning," said he in a letter to 
a friend, " to experience the ease and freedom from 
publick cares, which, however desirable, takes some 
time to realize ; for strange as it may seem, it is ne- 
vertheless true, that it was not until lately I could get 
the better of my usual custom of ruminating as soon 
as I awoke in the morning, on the business of the en- 
suing day ; and of my surprise at finding, after revolv- 
ing many thmgs in my mind, that 1 was no longer a 
publick man, or had any thing to do with publick trans- 
actions. I feel, now however, as I conceive a wearied 
traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful 
step with a lieavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of 
the latter, having reached the haven to which all the 
former were directed, and from his house-top is looking 
back and tracing with an eager eye, the meanders by 
which he escaped the quicksands and mires whicn lay 



58 LIFE OF V^^ASfllNGTON. [1784 

in his way, and into which none but the L^l-powerful 
Guide and Dispenser of human events could have pre- 
vented his falling." 

Soon after the proclamation of peace, Congress 
unanimously resolved to erect at the place which should 
be establislied as the permanent seat of government, 
an equestrian statue of General Washington This 
resolution , however, has not yet been carried inlo effect. 

V^irginia also bore an honourable testimony of the 
sense entertained of the services of her distinguished 
citizen. In a spacious area in the centre of the capi- 
tal of that state, she erected a marble statue of him, 
with the following inscription on its pedestal. 

'' The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of 
Virginia have caused this statue to be erected as a 
monument of affection and gratitude to GEORGE 
WASHINGTON, who, uniting in the endowments 
of the HERO the virtues of the PATRIOT, and ex- 
erting both in the establishment of the liberties of his 
country, has rendered his name dear to his fellow citi- 
zens, and given the world an immortal example of 
true glory." 

In addition to these expressions of publick venera- 
tion, innumerable addresses from literaiy and other 
incorporations were presented to him, which, in ar- 
dent language, expressed the veneration universally 
felt for his character, and the admiration entertained 
for his services. His well-balanced mind bore these 
publick and private honours without a symptom of* 
vanity or pride. 

The pursuits of General Washington at this period 
were a renev/al of habits, formed at an earlier part of 
life, and a recurrence to employments in which he 
ever took delight ; and he experienced nothing of 
that dissatisfaction and listlessness of which gentlemen 
often complain, who leave the cares of a publick sta- 
tion for the tranquil scenes of retirement. The im- 
provement of American husbandry engaged his close 



1784.] LIFE OF WASHlNGTOiN. 59 

attention, and in the prosecution of plans adapted to 
this purpjse, he entered into a correspondence with 
Mr. Arthur Young, and other distinguished European 
agriculturists. The result ol their information, and 
of his own experience, he applied, to amend his farm- 
ing implements, to improve his breed of cattle, and in 
various experiments, suited to the soil he cultivated. 
The plans which succeeded with him, he recommend- 
ed to the farmers around him. 

But even in the shade of Mount Vernon, the time 
of General Washington was not wholly at his own 
disposal. Every foreigner of distinction who visited 
the United States was urgent for an introduction to 
the late Commander in Chief; and every American 
of any consequence, who was about to cross the At- 
lantick, was ambitious to obtain letters from him to 
celebrated characters in Europe. With numbers of 
the ofticers of the late army, with many of the politi- 
cal characters of his own country, and with several emi- 
nent individuals of Europe, he held a correspondence. 
Ceremonious visitors and officious correspondents be- 
came oppressive to him, and in a letter to a friend, he 
thus complained of the burden of them. " It is not, my 
dear Sir, the letters of my friends which give me trou 
ble, or add ought to my perplexity. I receive them with 
pleasure, and pay as much attention to them as my avo- 
cations will permit. It is references to old matters with 
which I have nothing to do ; applications which often 
times cannot be complied with ; inquiries to satisfy 
which would employ the pen of an historian ; letters of 
compliment, as unmeaning, perhaps, as they are trou 
blesome, but which must be attended to ; and the com- 
mon place business, which employ my pen and my 
time, often disagreeably. Indeed these, with compa 
ny, deprive me of exercise ; and unless I can obtain 
relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequen- 
ces. Already, I begin to feel their effects. Heavy 
and painful oppressions of the head, and other disa 



m LIFE OF WASHINGTOiN. [1784. 

greeable sensations often trouble me. I am therefore 
determined to employ som*; person who shall ease me 
of th> dTudgery of this business. — To correspond with 
those I love is among my highest gratification.s. Let- 
ters of friendship require no study ; the communica- 
tions they contain flow with case ; and allowances are 
expected and are maf'e. But tliis is not the case with 
those which require research, consideration, and re- 
collection." At length he engaged a young gentle- 
man of talents and education, w*:o relieved him from 
a great part of these irksome attentions. 

The patriotick mind of General Washington could 
not however be engrossed by his own concerns. In 
his retirement, he with solicitude* watched over the 
interests of his country. The improvement of its in- 
land navigation early engaged his reflections. Plans 
which the war had interrupted, were now resumed 
upon an enlarged scale. This year he visited the west- 
ern country as far as Pittsburg, and having collected 
the necessary information, he opened his scheme to 
Mr. Harrison, then Governour of Virginia. This 
was to render the rivers Potomack and James naviga- 
ble as high as practicable ; to take accurate surveys 
of the country between these rivers and the streams 
which empty into the Ohio, aiid find the most advan- 
tageous portages between them ; to survey the waters 
west of the Ohio, which empty into the lakes ; and to 
open such inland navigation between these waters, as 
would secure the trade of the western country to Vir- 
ginia and Maryland. " Nature," he observed, " had 
made such an ample display of her bounties in those 
regions, that the more the country was explored the 
more it would rise in estimation." He was persuaded 
that Pennsylvania and New- York would adopt mea- 
sures, to direct the trade of that country to their sea- 
ports, and he was an.xious that his native state should 
seasonably avail herself of the advantages she possess- 
ed to secure her share in it " I am not," he declared* 



1784.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Gl 

" for discouraging the exertions of any state to draw 
the commerce of the western country to its set- 
ports. The more communications we cypen to it, the 
closer we bind that rising world, (for it indeed may be 
so called) to our interests, and the greater strength 
shall we acquire by it. Those to whom nature affords 
the best communication, will, if they are wise, enjoy 
the greatest share of the trade. All I would be un- 
derstood to mean therefore, is, that the gifts of Provi- 
dence may not be neglected." But political motives 
had higher influence in this transaction than commer- 
cial. " I need not remark to you, Sir," said he in his 
communication to the Governour of Virginia, " that 
the flanks and rear of the United States are possessed 
by other powers, and formidable ones too ; nor need I 
press the necessity of applying the cement of interest 
to bind all parts of the union together by indissoluble 
bonds ; especially of binding that part of it which lies 
immediately west of us, to the middle states. For what 
ties, let me ask, sliould we have jpon those people, 
how entirely unconnected with thera shall we be, and 
what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards 
on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead 
of throwing impediments in their way as they now do, 
should hold ou. lures for their trade and alliance ^ 
"When they get strv^ngth, v,'hich will be sooner than 
most people conceive, what will be the consequence 
of their having formed close commercial connexions 
with both, or either of those powers, it needs not, in 
my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell. 

" The western settlers (I speak now from my own 
observations) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch 
of a feather would turn them any way. Until the 
Spaniards (very unwisel}'^ as I think) threw difficulties 
in iheir way, they looked down the Mississippi ; and 
the}' looked that way for no other reason than because 
they could gently glide down the stream ; without 
considering perliaps the fatigues of the voyage back 

Vol. II. G 



fi2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784 

again, and the time necessary for its performance 
and because they have no other means of coming to 
us. but by a long land transportation through unim- 
proved roads." 

These recommendations were not lost. Under the 
patronage of the governments of Virginia and Mary- 
land, two companies were formed for opening the navi- 
gation of the Potoinack and the James. Of both which 
General Washington consented to be the president. 
The Legislature of Virginia by a resolution which 
passed unanimously, directed the treasurer of the state 
to subscribe fo" one hundred and fifty shares in each 
company for the benefit of General Wasiiington. 
TJie appropriation was made in a manner the most 
affecting to a noble mind. The assembly expressed a 
wish, that while the improvements of their inland 
navigation were monuments of his glory, they might 
also be monuments of his country's gratitude. The 
donation placed him in a very delicate and embarrassed 
situation. The feelings excited by this generous and 
honourable act of his state, he fully expressed to the 
friend, who informed him of the passage of the bill. 
" It is not easy for me to decide by which my mind 
was most affected upon the receipt of your letter of 
the sixth instant — surprise or grati' ^de. Both were 
greater than I had words to express. The attention 
and good wishes which the assembly has evidenced by 
their act for vestmg in me one hundred and fifty 
shares in the navigation of the rivers Potomack and 
James, is more than mere compliment — there is an un- 
equivocal and substantial meaning annexed. But, be- 
lieve me, Sir, no circumstance has happened since 1 left 
the walks of publick life which has so much embarrass- 
ed me. On the one hand, I consider this act, as I have 
already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof 
of the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of 
my country to serve me ; and I should be hurt, if by 
declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be 



1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 63 

construed into disrespect, or the smallest slight upon 
the general intention of the Legislature ; or that an 
ostentatious display of disinterestedness, or publick 
virtue, was the source of refusal. 

''' On the other hand, it is really my wish to havo 
my mind and my actions, which are the result of re- 
flection, as free and independent as the air, that I may 
be more at liberty (in things which my opportunities 
and exp'^rience have brought me to the knowledge of) 
to express my sentiments, and if necessary, to suggest 
what may occur to me, under the fullest conviction 
that although my judgment may be arraigned, there 
will be no suspicion that sinister motives had the small- 
est influence in tlie suggestion. Not, content then 
with the bare consciousness of my having in all this 
navigation business, acted upon the clearest convic- 
tion of the political importance of the measure. 1 
would wish that every individual who may hear that 
it was a favourite plan of mine, may know also, that 
I had no other motive for promoting it, than the ad 
vantage of which I conceived it would be productive 
to the union at large, and to this state in particular, by 
cementing the eastern and western territor)- together, 
at the same time that it will give vigour and increase 
to our commerce, and be a convenience to our citi- 



" How would this matter be viewed then by the 
eye of the world, and what opinion would be formed 
when it comes to be related that G*^**** W 



*****->^*», 



exerted himself to effect this work, and that G***** 
\\****^*^*n has received tioenty thousand dollars and 
Jive thousand pounds sterling of the publick money as 
an interest therein ? Would not this (if I am entitled 
to any merit for the part I have performed, and with- 
out it there is no foundation for the act) deprive me 
of the principal thing which is laudable in my con- 
duct ? Would it not in some respects be considered 
m the same ^•p'ht as a pension ^ And would not the 



(i4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7 

apprehension of this induce me to offer my sentiments 
in future vv^ith the more reluctance ? In a word under 
whatever pretence, and however customary these gra 
tuities may be in other countries, should T not thence 
forward be considered as a dependant ? One moment's 
thought of which would give me more pain than I 
should receive pleasure from the product of all the 
tolls, was every farthing of them vested in me." 

After great deliberation, ho determined to appro- 
priate the shares to such publick uses as the Legisla- 
ture should approve. In communicating this determi- 
nation through the Governour, to the General As 
semblv, he begged him to assure them that he was 
" filled on the occasion with every sentiment which can 
flow from a heart, warm w' \ love to his country 
sensible to every token of its aj^probation and aff^^tion, 
♦Jid solicitous to testify in every instance a respectful 
attention to its wishes." According to his desire, the 
shares were appropriated to the support of a college in 
the vicinity of each of those rivers. 

The Cincinnati had in their original constitution 
secured perpetuity of existence to their society. The 
eldest male posterity of the officers were to succeed to 
the places of their fathers, and in the failure of them, 
a collateral branch might be introduced. Individuals 
also of the respective states, distinguished for their 
talents and patriotism, might be admitted as honora- 
ry members for life. In this part of the institution, 
some American patriots thought they perceived the 
seeds of an order of nobility, and publick jealousy was 
excited against the society. General Washington, 
their President, conceived that if popular prejudices 
could not be removed, the society ought " to yield to 
them in a degree, and not suffer that which was in- 
tended for the best of purposes to produce a bad one." 
On full inquiry, he found that objections to the insti- 
tution were general throughout the United States, 
under the apprehension that it would prove dangerous 



1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 65 

to publick liberty, he therefore exerted his influence 
among the officers to induce them to drop the offen- 
sive part of the institution, and at the annual meeting 
in May 1787, the hereditary principle, and the power 
to adopt honorary members, were expunged from the 
constitution. This modification fully removed the 
publick apprehension. 

Experience proved the articles under which the 
United States originally confederated to be madequate 
to the purposes of national government ; and wise and 
good men in every part of the union anxiously looked 
forward to a crisis in publick affairs. Many of Ge- 
neral Washington's friends nitimated to him that tho 
occasion would call for his personal influence. Mr. 
Jay, in letters written in the spring and summer of 
1786, with feeling described the state of the country, 
** You have wisely retired from publick employments, 
and calmly view from the temple of fame, the various 
exertions of that sovereignty and independence, which 
Providence has enabled you to be so greatly and glori- 
ously instrumental in securing to your country, yet 1 
am persuaded that you cannot view them with the eyo 
of an unconcerned spectator. 

" Experience has pointed ou^ errours in our nation- 
al government which call for correction, and which 
threaten to blast the fruit we expected from the tree 
of liberty. An opinion begins to prevail that a general 
convention for revising the articles of confederation 
would be expedient. Whether the people are yet 
ripe for such a measure, or whether the system pro- 
posed to be obtained by it is only to be expected from 
calamity and commotion is difficult to ascertain 

" I think we are in a delicate situation, and a varie 
ty of considerations and circumstances give me un- 
easiness. It is in contemplation to take measures for 
forming a general convention. The plan is not ma- 
tured. If it should be well connected and take efiect, 
I am fervent in my wishes that it mav comport with 
6* 



hO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7. 

the line of life you have marked out for yourself, to 
favour your country with your counsels on such an 
important and single occasion. 

" Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis, something 
that I cannot foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and 
apprehensive, more so than during the war. Then 
we had a fixed object, and though the means and time 
of obtaining it were problematical, yet I did firmly be- 
lieve that we should ultimately succeed, because I did 
firmly believe that justice was with us. The case is 
now altered. We are going and doing wrong, and 
therefore I look forward to evils and calamities, but 
without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, 
or measure of them. 

" That we shall again recover, and things again go 
well, I have no doubt. Such a variety of circumstan- 
ces would not, almost miraculously, have combined to 
liberate and make us a nation, for transient and un- 
important purposes. I therefore believe that we are 
yet to become a great and respectable people ; but 
when or how, only the spirit of prophecy can discern. 

" What I most fear is, that the better kind of people 
(by which I mean the people who are orderly and in- 
dustrious, wlio are content with their situations, and 
not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led by the 
insecurity of property, the loss of confidence in their 
r ilers, and the want of publick faith and rectitude, to 
consider the charms of liberty as imaginary and delu- 
sive. A state of uncertainty and fluctuation must dis- 
gust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for 
almost any change that may promise them quiet and 
security." 

To these weighty communications General Wash 
INGTON replied. 

*' Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing ra- 
pidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event 
will b», is also beyond the reach of my foresight. 
We have errours to correct ; we have probably had 



1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHliNGTON. 67 

too good an opinion of human nature, in forming ou* 
confederation. Experience has taught us that men 
will not adopt and carry into execution, measures tho 
best calculated for their own good, without the inter 
vent ion of coercive power. I do not conceive we can 
exist long as a nation, without lodging, somewhere, a 
power which will pervade the whole Union in as ener- 
getick a manner, as the authority of the state govern 
ments extends over the several states. To be fear- 
ful of investing Congress, constituted as that body is, 
with ample authorities for national purposes, appears 
to me the very climax of popular absurdity and mad- 
ness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment 
of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal 
or greater proportion .^ Are not their interests insepara- 
bly connected with those of their constituents .? By the 
rotation of appointments, n)ust they not mingle fre- 
quently with the mass of citizens ? Is it not rather to be 
apprehended, if they were not possessed of the powers 
before described, that the individual members would 
be induced to use them, on many occasions, very 
timidly and inefEcaciously, for fear of losing their 
popularity and future election ? We must take human 
nature as we fmd it; perfection falls not to the share 
of mortals. 

" What then is to be done ? Things cannot go on 
in the same strain for ever. It is much to be feared, as 
you observe, that the better kind of people, being dis- 
gusted with these circumstances, will have their minds 
pre ;ared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to 
run from one extreme to another. To anticipate and 
prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part 
of wisdom and patriotism. 

'' What astonishing changes a few years are capable 
of p'-oducing i I am told that even respectable charac- 
ters speak of a monarchical form of government with- 
out horrour. From thinking proceeds speaking, thence 
to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevoca- 



(i8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1784-7 

ble and tremendous ! what a triumph for our enemies 
to verify their predictions I what a triumph for the ad- 
vocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of 
governing ourselves, and that systems, founded on the 
basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and fallacious ! 
Would to God that wise measures may be taken ia 
time to avert the consequences we have but too much 
reason to apprehend. 

" Retired as I am from the world, 1 frankly acknow- 
ledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. 
Yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into 
port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my 
business to embark again on the sea of troubles. 

" Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and 
opinions would have much weight on the minds of my 
countrymen. They have been neglected, though 
given as a last legacy in a most solemn manner. I then 
perhaps had some claims to publick attention. I con- 
sider myself as having none at present." 

When the plan of a Convention was ripened, and its 
meeting appointed to be at Philadelphia in May, 1787, 
a respectable character in Virginia, communicated to 
General Washington the intention of that state to 
elect him one of her representatives, on this important 
occasion. He explicitly declined being a candidate, 
yet the Legislature placed him at the head of her 
delegation, in the hope that mature reflection would 
induce him to attend upon the service. The Govern- 
our of the state, Mr. Randolph, informed him of his 
appointment, by the following letter. " By the en- 
closed act you will readily discover that the Assembly 
are alarmed at the storms which threaten the United 
States. What our enemies have foretold seems to be 
hastening to its accomplishment, and cannot be frus- 
trated but by an instantaneous, zealous, and steady 
union among the friends of the federal government 
To you I need not press our present dangers. The 
mefRcacy of Congress vou liave often felt in your ofli 



1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. C/) 

cial character ; the mcreasing languor of our asso 
elated republicks you hourly see ; and a dissolution 
would be, I know, to you, a source of the deepest mor 
tification. I freely tJ>en entreat you to accept the 
unanimous appointment of the General Assembly to 
the Convention at Philadelphia. For the gloomy pros- 
pect still admits one ray of hope, that those who be- 
gan, carried on, and consummated the revolution, can 
yet restore America from the impending ruin " 

" Sensible as I am," said the General in his answer, 
" of the honour conferred on me by the General As- 
sembly of this commonwealth, in appointing me one 
of the deputies to a Convention proposed to be held in 
the city of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose 
of revising the federal constitution ; and desirous as I 
am on all occasions of testifying a ready obedience to 
the calls of my country — yet. Sir, there exist at this 
moment, circumstances which I am persuaded will 
render this fresh instance of confidence incompatible 
with other measures which I had previously adopted, 
and from which seeing little prospect of disengaging 
myself, it would be disingenuous not to express a wish 
that some other character on whom greater reliance 
can be had, may be substituted in my place, the proba- 
bility of my non-attendance being too great to con- 
tinue my appointment. 

'' As no mind can be more deeply impressed than 
mine is with the critical situation of our affairs, re- 
sulting m a great measure from the want of efficient 
powers in the federal head, and due respect to its or- 
dinances, so consequently those who do engage in the 
important business of removing these defects, will 
carry with them every good wish of mine, which the 
best dispositions towards their obtainment can bestow. 

The Governour declined the acceptance of his re 
signation of the appointment, and begged him to sus 
spend his determination until the approach of the pe 
fiod of the meetingj of Convention that his final iudo- 



70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17^/. 

ment might be the result of a full acquaintance with 
all circumstances. 

Thus situated, the General reviewed the subject, 
that he might upon thorough deliberation make the 
decision which duty end patriotism enjoined. He had, 
by a circular letter to the state societies, declined being 
re-elected the President of the Cincinnati, and bad an 
nounced that he should not attend their general meet- 
ing at Philadelphia on the next May ; and he appre- 
hended, that if he attended the Convention at the 
time and place of their meeting, that he should give 
offence to all the officers of the late army who com- 
posed this body. He was under apprehension that the 
states w^ould not be generally represented on this oc- 
casion, and that a failure in the plan would diminish 
the personal influence of those who engaged in it. 
Some of his confidential friends were of opinion that 
the occasion did not require his interposition, and that 
he ought to reserve himself for a state of things 
which would unequivocally demand his agency and 
influence. Even on the supposition that the plan 
should succeed, they thought that he ought not to en- 
gage in it ; because his having been in Convention 
would obligate him to make exertions to carry the 
measures that body might recommend, into effect, 
and would necessarily " sweep him into the tide of 
publick affairs." His own experience since the close 
of the revolutionary war created in his mind serious 
doubts, whether the respective states would quietly 
adopt any system, calculated to give stability and vi 
gour to the national government. " As we could not," 
to use his own language, ** remain quiet more than 
three or four years in times of peace, under the con- 
stitutions of our own choosing, which were believed 
m many states to have been formed with deliberation 
awd wisdom, I see little prospect either of our agreeing 
on any other, or that we should remain long satisfied 
under it, if we could Vet I would wish any thing 



1787.] LIFE OF WASHING TOlS 71 

and every thing essayed to prevent the eftusiou of 
blood, and to divert the humiliating and contemptible 
figure we are about to make in the annals of mankind." 

These considerations operated powerfully to confirm 
him in the opmion first formed not to attend the Con- 
vention. 

On the other hand, he realized the greatness of the 
publick stake. The confederation was universally 
considered as a nullity. The advice of a Convention, 
composed of respectable characters from every part 
of the union, would probably have great influence 
with the community, wheth^^r it should be to amend 
the articles of the old government, or to form a new 
constitution. 

Amidst the various sentiments which at this time 
prevailed, respecting the state of publick affairs, many 
entertained the supposition that the " times must be 
worse before they could be better," and that the Ame- 
rican people could be induced to establish an efficient 
and liberal national government only by the scourge 
of anarchy. Some seemed to think that the experi- 
ment of a republican government in America had al- 
ready failed, and that one, more energetick, must soon 
by violence be introduced. General Washington en- 
tertained some apprehension, that his declining to at- 
tend the Convention would be considered as a derelic 
tion of republican principles. 

While he was balancing these opposite circum- 
stances in his mind, the insurrection of Massachusetts 
occurred, which turned the scale of opinion in favour 
of his joining the Convention. He viewed this event 
as awfully alarming. " For God's sake tell me," said he 
in a letter to Colonel Humphrftys, '' what is the cause 
of all these commotions .'* Dolhey proceed from licen- 
tiousrhess, British influence disseminated by the tories 
or real grievances which admit of redress .' If the lat 
ter, why was redress delayed until the publick mind 
had become so much agitated ? If the former, why are 



7? LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17,-^7. 

not the powers of government tried at once ? It is as 
well to be without as not to exercise them." 

To General Knox and other friends, similar appre- 
hensions were expressed. " I feel infinitely more than 
I can express to you, for the disorders which have 
arisen in these states. Good God ! who besides a tory 
could have foreseen, or a Briton have predicted them •• 
1 do assure you tiiat even at this moment, when I re 
fleet upon the present aspect of our affairs, it seems 
to me like the visions of a dream. My mind can 
scarcely realize it as a thing in actual existence : — So 
strange, so wonderful, doas it appear to me. In this, as 
in most other matters, we are too slow. When this 
spirit first dawned, it might probably have been easily 
checked ; but it is scarcely within the reach of human 
ken, at this momeitt, to say when, where, or Jiow, it 
will terminate. There are combustibles in every state, 
to which a spark might set fire. In bewailing, which 
I have often done with the keenest s-^rrow, the death 
of our much lamented friend General Greene, I have 
accompanied my regrets of late with a query whetlier 
he would not have preferred such an exit, to the scenes 
which it is more than probable many of his compatriots 
may live to bemoan. 

" You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to 
appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I 
know not where that influence is to be found ; nor if 
attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for these 
disorders. Infiucnce is not government. Let us have 
a government by which our lives, liberties, and proper 
ties will be secured; or let us know the worst at once. 
Under these impressions my humble opinion is that 
there is a call for decision. Know then precisely what 
the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, 
redress them if possible ; or acknowledge the justice 
of them, and your inability to do it in the present mo- 
ment. If they have not, employ the foice of the 
goverumetit against them at once. If tliis is inade- 



87] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7% 

quale, all will be convinced that the superstructure is 
bad, or wants support. To be more exposed in the 
eyes of the world, and more contemptible than we al- 
ready are, is hardly possible. To delay one or the other 
of these expedients is to exasperate on the one hand, 
or to give confidence on the other, and will add to their 
numbers ; for, like rnow-balls, such bodies increase by 
every movement, unless there is something in the 
way to obstruct and crumble them, before their weight 
is too great and irresistible. 

" These are my sentiments. Precedents are dan- 
gerous things. Let the reins of government then be 
braced, and held with a steady hand ; and every vio- 
lation of the Constitution be reprehended. If defec- 
tive, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled 
upon while it has an existence." 

A friend having intimated by letter his apprehension, 
that civil discord was near, in which event he would 
be obliged to act a publick part, or to leave the conti- 
nent. " It is," said the General in reply, '* with the 
deepest and most heart-felt concern,! perceive, by some 
late paragraphs extracted from the Boston papers, that 
the insurgents of Massachusetts, far from being satis- 
fied with the redress ofi'ered by their General Court, 
are still acting in open violation of law and govern- 
ment, and have obliged the Chief Magistrate, in a de- 
cided tone, to call upon the militia of the state to sup- 
port the constitution. 

" What, gracious God, is man ! That there should 
be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his con- 
duct. It is but the other day, that we were shedding 
our blood to obtain the constitutions under which wo 
live ; constitutions of our own choice and making ; 
and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn 
them. The thing is so unaccountable that I hardly 
know how to realize it ; or to persuade myself that I 
am not under the ilusion of a dream. My mind, pre- 
vious to the receipt of your letter of the firsl ultiirw 

Vol. II. 7 



iA LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787. 

had often been agitated by a thought shnilar to the 
one you expressed respecting a friend of yours ; but 
heaven forbid that a crisis should come when he shall 
be driven to the necessity of making a choice of either 
of the alternatives there mentioned." 

Having learned that the states had generally elected 
their representatives to the Convention, and Congress 
having given its sanction to it, he on the 28th of 
March communicated to the Governour of Virginia, 
his consent to act as one of the delegates of his state 
on this important occasion. 

On the second Monday in May 1787, the delegates 
of twelve states met in Convention at Philadelphia, 
and unanimously elected General George Washing- 
ton their President. The present Constitution of 
Government of the United States was the result of 
the deliberations and concessions of this venerable body. 

Although the friends of General Washington had 
fully acquiesced in the propriety of his retiring from 
publick life at the close of the revolutionary war, yet 
from the moment of the adoption of the Federal Con- 
stitution, all eyes were directed to him as the first 
President of the United States. His correspondents 
early endeavoured to prepare his mind to gratify the 
expectations of his country. Mr. Johnson, a dis- 
tinguished patriot of Maryland, wrote him, *' We can- 
not do without you, and I and thousands more can ex- 
plain to any body but 3^0 ur self w^hy we cannot do 
without you." 

The struggle between inclination and duty was long 
and severe. His feelings on this occasion fully ap- 
peared in the letters which he wrote to his friends on 
the subject Colonel Lee, then a member of Congress, 
rommunicating to General Washington the measures 
which that body were adopting to introduce the new 
government, thus alludes to the presidency. 

" The solemnity of the moment, and its application 
to yourself, Lave fixed my mind in contemplations of 



1788.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON 75 

a publick and a personal nature, and I feel an involun- 
tary impulse which I cannot resist, to communicate, 
without reserve to you some of the reflections which 
the hour has produced. Solicitous for our common 
happiness as a people, and convinced, as I continue to 
be, that oar peace and prosperity depend on the proper 
improvement of the present period, njy anxiety is ex- 
treme that the new government may have an auspi- 
cious beginning. To effect tliis, and to perpetuate a 
nation formed under your auspices, it is certain you 
will again be called forth. The same principles of de- 
votion to the good of mankind, which have invariably 
governed your conduct, will no doubt continue to rul 
your mind, however opposite their consequences maj 
be to your repose and happiness. It may be wrong, 
but I cannot suppress in my wishes for national felici- 
ty a due regard for your personal fame and content. 

" If the same success should attend your efforts on 
this important occasion which has distinguished you 
hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have spent a life 
which Providence rarely, if ever, before gave to the 
lot of man. It is my anxious hope, it is my belief that 
this will be the case , but all things are uncertain, and 
perhaps nothing more so than political events. 

"Without you, the government can have but little 
chance of success ; and the people, of that happiness 
which its prosperity must yield.'' 

To these communications, the General thus replied •• 

" Your observations on the solemnity of the crisis, 
and its application to myself, bring before me subjects 
of the most momentous and interesting nature. In 
our endeavours to establish a new general government, 
the contest, nationally considered, seems not to have 
been so much for glory, as existence. It was for a 
long time doubtful whether we were to survive as an 
independent republick, or decline from our federal dig- 
nity into ins'-^nificant and wretched fragments of em- 
pire. The adoDtion of the constitution so extensively, 



7(5 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17d8. 

and with so liberal an acquiescence on the part of the 
minorities in general, promised the former ; but lately, 
the circular letter of New-York has manifested in my 
apprehension an unfavourable, if not an insidious ten- 
dency to a contrary policy. 1 still hope for the best j 
but before you mentioned it, 1 could not help fearing 
it would serve as a standard to which the disaffected 
could resort. It is now evidently the part of all honest 
men, who are friends to the new constitution, to endea- 
vour to give it a chance to disclose its merits and de- 
fects by carrying it fairly into effect, in the first instance 
" The principal topick of ycur letter is, to me, a 
jioint of great delicacy indeed, insomuch that 1 can 
scarcely, without some impropriety, toiich upon it. In 
the first place, the event to which you allude may 
never happen, among other reasons because, if the 
partiality of my fellow-citizens conceive it to be a 
mean by which the sinews of the new government 
would be strengthened, it will of consequence be ob 
noxious to those who are in opposition to it ; many of 
whom, unquestionably, will be placed among the elect- 
ors. This consideration alone would supersede the 
expediency of announcing any definitive and irrevoca- 
ble resolution. You are among the small number of 
those who know my invincible attachment to domes- 
tick life, and tliat my sincerest wish is to continue in 
the enjoyment of it solely, until my final hour. But 
the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so 
candidly disposed, as to believe me to be uninfluenced 
by sinister motives in case any circumstance should 
render a deviation from the line of conduct I had pre- 
scribed for myself indispensable. Should the contin- 
gency you suggest, take place, and (for argument's 
sake alone let me say) should my unfeigned reluctance 
to accept the ofTice be overcome by a deference for the 
reasons and opinions of my friends ; might I not, afler 
the declarations I have made, (and heavi knows they 
were made in the sincerity of my heart) in the judg- 



IV«8 LJFE OF WASHINGTON. 77 

men*, of the impartial world, and of posterity, be clmrge- 
able with levity and inconsistency, if not witli rash- 
aess and ambition ? Nay, farther, would there not even 
oe some apparent foundation for the two former 
charges '' Nov/, justice to myself, and tranquillity of 
conscience require that I should act a part, if not 
above imputation, at least capable of vindication. Nor 
will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputa 
tion. Though I prize as I ought the good opinion of 
my fellow-citizens, yet if I know myself, I would not 
seek popularity at the expense of one social duty, or 
moral virtue. 

" While doing what my conscience informed me was 
right, as it respected my God, my country, and my- 
self, I could despise all the party clamour and unjust 
censure which must be expected from some, whose 
personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility 
to the government. I am conscious that I fear alone 
to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do 
not dread to meet with urnnerited reproach. And 
c irtain I am, whensoever I shall be convinced the 
good of my country requires my reputation to be put 
in risk, regard for my own fame will not come in 
competition with an object of so much magnitude. 

'■'■ If I declined the task, it would be upon quite 
another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced 
season of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural 
amusements, and my growing love of retirement, aug- 
ment and confirm my decided predeliction for the cha 
ractcr of a private citizen, yet it will be no one of 
these motives, nor the hazard to which my former 
reputation might be exposed, or the terrour of encoun- 
tering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me 
from an acceptance ; but a belief that some other per- 
son, who had less pretence and less inclination to be 
excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfacto- 
rily a.s myself. To say more would be indiscreet ; as 
the disclosure of a refusal beforehand miw-bt incur tiie 



fB LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17S8. 

application of the fable, in which the fox is represent- 
ed as undervaluing the grapes he could not reacli. 
You will perceive, iny dear sir, by what is here ob- 
served (and which you will be pleased to consider in 
the light of a confidential communication) that my 
inclinations will dispose and decide me to remain as I 
am; unless a clear and insurmountable conviction 
should be impressed on my mind, that some very dis- 
agreeable consequences must in all human probability 
result from the indulgence of my wishes." 

To similar suggestions from Colonel Hamilton, Ge- 
neral Washington replied. " On the delicate subject 
with which you conclude your letter I can say no- 
thing ; because the event alluded to may never hap- 
pen, and because in case it should occur, it would be a 
point of prudence to defer forming one's ultimate and 
irrevocable decision, so long as new data might be af- 
forded for one to act with the greater wisdom and pro- 
priety. I would not wish to conceal my prevailing 
sentiment from you. For you know me well enough, 
my good sir, to be persuaded that I am not guilty of 
affectation, when I tell you it is my great and sole 
desire to live and die in peace and I'etirement on my 
own farm. Were it even indispensable a different 
line of conduct should be adopted, while you and some 
others who are acquainted with my heart would acquit, 
the world and posterity might probably accuse me of 
inconsistency and ambition. Still I hope I shall always 
possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain (what 
I coiisider the most enviable of all titles) the character 
of an honest man. 

" Although I could not help observing from several 
publications and letters that my name had been some- 
times spoken of, and that it was possible that con- 
tingency which is the subject of your letter might 
happen, yet I thought it best to maintain a guarded 
eilence, and to lack the counsel of my best friends 
(which I certainly hold in the highest estimation) ra 



1788.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 

ther than to hazard an imputation unfriendly to the de- 
licacy of my feelings. For, situated as I am, I could 
hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, 
or ask an opinion even iu the most confidential man- 
ner, without betraying in my judgment, some impro- 
priety of conduct, or without feeling aij apprehensioi. 
that a premature display of anxiety might be consirued 
into a vain glorious desire of pushing myself into no- 
tice as a candidate. Now, if 1 am not grossly deceived 
in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the 
electors, by giving their votes in favour of some other 
person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of be- 
ing forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I an; 
in the next place, ccrnestly desirous of searching out 
the truth, and of knowing whether there docs not ex- 
ist a probability tliat the government would be just as 
happily and elFectually carried into execution without 
my aid, as with it. I am truly solicitous to obtain all 
the previous information wiiich the circumstances will 
afford, and to determine (when the determination can 
with propriety be no longer postponed) according to 
the principles of right reason, and the dictates of a 
clear conscience ; without too great a reference to the 
unforeseen consequences which may affect my person 
or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold 
m} self open to conviction, though I allow your senti- 
ments to have weight in them ; and I shall not pass 
by your arguments without giving them as dispas- 
Bionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon 
them. 

'* In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever 
point of light I have been able to place it, I win not 
suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I h-ave 
always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as 
I have been taught to expect I might, and pev.iapa 
must ere long be called to make a decision. You will, 
I am well assured, believe tlie assei>tion (though 1 
have little ex])ectaf,ion it would gain credit from those 



80 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788 

who ATii less acquainted with me) that if I should re- 
ceive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon 
to accept it ; the acceptance would be attended with 
more diffidence and reluctance, than ever I experi- 
enced before in my life. It would be, however, with 
a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever as- 
sistance might be in my power to promote tJie publick 
weal, in hopes that at a convenient and early period, 
ray services might be dispensed with ; and that I might 
be permitted once more to retire— to pass an uncloud- 
ed evening after the stormy day of life, in the bosom 
of domestick tranquillity." 

We have already made copious extracts from the 
letters of the General on the subject of the Presiden- 
cy ; but as they clearly describe his feelings and views 
on the near prospect of being agam summoned by his 
country into publick life, they must be interesting to 
all. We will close them with the following commu- 
nications made to General Lincoln, who had also com- 
municated to him the expectation of his friends, '• I 
would willingly pass over in silence that part of your 
letter, in which you mention the persons who are can- 
didates for the two first offices in the executive, if I did 
not fear the omission might seem to betray a want of 
confidence. Motives of delicacy have prevented me 
hitherto from conversing or writing on this subject, 
whenever I could avoid it with decency. I may, how- 
ever, with great sincerity, and I believe without of- 
fending against modesty or propriety, say to you, that 
I most heartily wish the choice to which you allude 
might not fall upon me ; and that if it should, I must 
reserve to myself the right of making up my final de 
cision, at the last moment, when it can be brought 
into one view, and when the expediency or inexpedi- 
ency of a refusal can be more judiciously determined 
than at present. But be assured, my dear sir, if from 
any inducement I shall be persuaded ultimately to ac- 
cept, it will not be (so far as I know my own heart) 



-/8S.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 

from any of a private ir personal nature. Every per- 
sonal consideratiun conspires to rivet me (if I may 
use the expression) to retirement. At my time of 
life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this 
world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a 
conviction that the partiality of my countrymen 
*iad made my services absolutely necessary, joined 
to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief 
that I preferred the conservation of my own repu- 
tation and private ease, to the good of my country. 
After all, if I should conceive myself in a manner 
constrained to accept, I call heaven to witness, that 
this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my 
personal feelings and wishes that ever I have been 
called upon to make. It would be to forego repose 
and domestick enjoyment for trouble, perhaps publick 
obloquy ; for I should consider myself as entering 
upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with 
clouds and darkness. 

" From this embarrassing situation I had naturally 
supposed that my declarations at the close of the war 
would have saved me ; and that my sincere intentions, 
then publicklymade known, would have effectually pre- 
cluded me for ever afterwards from being looked 
upon as a candidate for any office. This hope, as 
a last anchor of worldly happiness in old age, I had 
still carefully preserved ; until the publick papers, and 
private letters from my correspondents in almost every 
quarter, taught me to apprehend that 1 might soon bo 
obliged to answer the question, whether I would go 
again into publick life or not." 

In event it appeared, that amidst the discordance of 
opinion, respecting the merits of the Federal Consti- 
tution, there was but one sentiment, through the 
United States, respecting the man who should admi- 
nister the government. On counting the votes of the 
electors of President and Vice President, it was found 
that General George Washington had their unani- 



m LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789 

mous sufFrage, and was chosen President of the United 
States for four years from the 4th of March 1789. 

On the 14th of April, official information reached 
him of his election. Having already made up his 
mind to obey the summons of a whole country, on the 
second day after this notification, he quitted the quiet 
walks of Mount Vernon for the arduous duties of the 
supreme magistracy of his nation. Although grateful 
for this renewed declaration of the favourable opinion 
of the community, yet his determination to accept the 
office was accompanied with diffidence and apprehen- 
sion. " I wish," he observed, " that there may not be 
reason for regretting the choice, for indeed all I can 
promise is, to accomplish that which can be done by 
an honest zeal." The feelings, with which he entered 
upon publick life, he left upon his private journal. 

'' About ten o'clock, i bade adieu to Mount Vernon, 
to private life, and to domestick fehcity ; and Vv^ith a 
mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensa 
tions than 1 have words to express, set out for New- 
York, with the best dispositions to render service to 
my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope 
of answering its expectations." 

He was met on the road by the gentlemen of Alex 
andria, and conducted to a publick dinner. From the 
numerous addresses presented to the General on this 
occasion, we select that of the citizens of Alexandria, 
because it is a testimonial of the affection and venera- 
tion in which his neighbours and friends held his pri- 
vate as well as puolick character, and because, in itself 
it has peculiar interest. The following is the address . 

" Again your country commands your care. Obe- 
dient to its wishes, unmindful of your ease, we see you 
again relinquishing the bliss of retirement, and thia 
too at a period of life, when nature itself seems to au- 
thorize a preference of repoac ! 

" Not to extol your glory as a soldier ; not to pour 
forth our gratitude for past services ; not to ackuow 



789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 8 

edge the justice of the unexampled honour which has 
fteen conferred upon you by the spontaneous and 
unanimous suffrages of three millions of freemen, in 
vour election to the supreme magistracy ; nor to ad 
Tiire the patriotism which directs your conduct, do 
vour neighbours and friends now address you. Tliemes 
ess splendid, but more endearing, impress our minds. 
The first and best of citizens must leave us. Our 
aged m-ust lose their ornament ; our youth their mo- 
del ; our agriculture its improver ; our commerce its 
friend ; our infant academy its protector ; our poor 
their benefactor, and the interiour navigation of the 
Potomack (an event replete with the most extensive 
utility already, by your unremitted exertions, brought 
into partial use) its institutor and promoter. 

" Farewell ! — go ! and make a grateful pecple happy, 
a people, who will be doubly grateful when they con 
template this recent sacrifice for their interest. 

" To that Being, who maketh and unraaketh at his 
will, we commend you ; and after the accomplishment 
of the arduous business tc which you are called, may 
he restore to us again, the best of men, and the most 
beloved fellow citizen !" 

To which General Washington replied as follows : 
" Gentlkmen, 

" Although 1 ought not to conceal, yet I cannot de- 
Bcribe the painful emotions which I felt in being called 
upon to determine whether I would accept or refuse 
the Presidency of the United States. The unanimity 
in the choice, the opinion of my friends communicaled 
from different parts of Europe as well as from Ameri- 
ca, the apparent wish of those who were not entirely 
satisfied with the constitution in its present form ; and 
an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental in 
connecting the good will of my countrymen towards 
each other, have induced an acceptance. Those who 
know me nest (and 3'ou, my fellow citizens, arc, from 
your situation, in that number) know better than any 



84 LIFE OF WASHIISGTON. [1789. 

others my love of retirement is so great, that no earth- 
ly consideration, short of a conviction of duty, could 
have prevailed upon me to depart frora my resolution 
never more to take any share in transactions of a pub- 
lick nature. For at my age, and in my circumstances, 
what prospects or advantages could I propose to myself, 
from embarking again on the tempestuous and uncer- 
tain ocean of publick life ? I do not feel myself under 
thr. necessity of making publick declarations, in order 
to convince you, gentlemen, of my attachment to your- 
selves, and regard for your interests. The whole te- 
nour of my life has been open to your inspection ; and 
my past actions, rather than my present declarations, 
must be the pledge of my future conduct. 

" In the mean time I thank you most sincerely for 
the expressions of kindness contained in your valedic- 
tory address. It is true, just after having bade adieu 
to my domestick connexions, this tender proof of your 
friendships is but too well calculated still farther to 
awaken my sensibility, and increase my regret at part 
ing from the enjoyments of private life. 

" All that now remains for me is ♦o comm't my sell 
and you to the protection of that beneficent Being 
who, on a former occasion, hath happily brought us 
together after a long and distressing separation. Per- 
haps the same gracious Providence will again indulge 
nie. Unutterable sensations must then be left to more 
expressive silence — while from an aching heart, I bid 
you all, my affectionate friends, and kind neighbours, 
farewell !" 

It was the wish of General Washington to avoid 
parade on his journey to the scat of government, but 
he found it impossible. Numerous bodies of respect- 
able citizens, and detachments from the militia escort- 
ed him the whole distance, and at every place through 
which he passed, he received the most flattering evi- 
dence of the high estimation, in which his countrymen 
held his talents and his virtues 



1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 

Gray's bridge over the Schuylkill was, with much 
taste, embellished on the occasion. At each end arch- 
es were erected composed of laurel, in imitation of a 
Roman triumphal arch ; and on each side was a laurel 
shrubbery. As the General passed, a youth by the aid 
of machinery (unperceived by him) let down upon his 
head a civick crown. Through avenues and streets 
thronged with people, he passed from the Schuylkill 
into Philadelphia, and at night the city was illumi- 
nated. 

At Trenton, the ladies presented him with a tribute 
of gratitude for the protection which, twelve years 
before, he gave them, worthy of the taste and refine- 
ment of the sex. On the bridge over the creek which 
runs through this place, a triumphal arch was erected 
on thirteen pillars ; these were entwined with laurel 
and decorated with flowers. On the front of the arch 
was the following inscription, in large gilt letters, 
THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS 

VVFT.L BE THE 

PROTECTOR '^F THE DAUGHTERS. 
On the centre of the arch above the inscription was 
a dome of floweis and evergreens encircling the dates 
of two events particularly interesting to the inhabit- 
ants of New-Jersey, viz. the successful assault on the 
Hessian post m Trenton, and the gallant stand made 
by General Washingto.n at the same creek on the 
evening preceding the battle of Princeton. A nume- 
rous party of matrons, holding their daughters in their 
hands, who were dressed in white and held on their 
arras baskets of flowers, assembled at this place, and 
on his approach the daughters sung the following ode, 

Welcome, Mighty Chief, once more 
Welcome to ihis grateful shore ; 
Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow, 
Aims at THEE the fatal blow. 
Vol. H. 8 



86 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789 

Virg^ins fair and matrons grave 
Those thy conquering arms did save, 
Build for THEE triumphal bowers ; 
Strew ye fair his way with flowers, 
Strew your HERO's way with flowers. 

At the last line the flowers were strewed before 
him. 

On the eastern shore of New- Jersey, he was met by 
tt Committee of Congress, and accompanied over the 
river in an elegant barge, of thirteen oars, and man- 
ned by thirteen branch pilots. 

" The display of boats," observes the General in his 
diary, " which attended and joined on this occasion, 
some wit': vocal and others with instrumental musick 
on board; the decorations of the ships, the roar of 
cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people which 
rent the sky as I passed along the wharves, filled my 
mind with sensations as painful (contemplating tbe re- 
verse of this scene, which may be the case after all my 
endeavours to do good) as tJiey were pleasing." 

He landed on the 23d of Ap'-il at the stairs on Mur- 
ray's wharf, which v/ero higUiy ornamented for the 
purpose. At this place the Governour of New- York 
received him. and with military honours, and amidst 
an immense concourse of people, conducted him to his 
apartments in the city. At the close of the day, Fo- 
reign Ministers and other characters of distinction, 
made him congratulatory visits, and the publick exhibi- 
tion wa.s at night closed by a brilliant illumination. 



1789.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. B? 



CHAPTER XI. 

InauguratlDn of the President — His Address to Congress — Answers 
of the two Houses — The Arrangements of his Household — His 
Regulations for Visitors — The Reasons of their adoption — 'J'he 
Relations of t!ie United States with Foreign Powers — Congress 
establishes the Departments of the Government — The President 
fills them — He visits New-England — His Reception — Addresses 
to hira — His Answers — Negotiations with tiie Indians — Treaty 
with the Creeks — War with the Wahash and Miamis Trihes 
— General Harmar's Expedition — St. Clair defeated — General 
Wayne victorious and makes a Treaty with them — Second Ses- 
sion of Congress — Fiscal Arrangements of the Secretary of the 
Treasury — Indisposition of the President — He visits Mount Ver- 
non — Meets Con^res.i at Philadelpliia — His Tour to the Southern 
States — Second Congress — The President refuses his signature to 
the Representative Bill — Contemplates retiring to Private Lifo 
— Consents to be a Candidate for the Second Presidency. 

1789. In adjusting the ceremonies of the inaugura- 
tion of the President, Congress determined that the 
oath of office should be admiriistered to him in an 
open gallery adjoining the Hall of the Senate. Ac- 
cordingly on the 30th of April, General Washington 
attended, and, in a view of a vast assemblage of peo- 
ple, was constitutionally qualified for the administra- 
tion of the government. On his being proclaimed 
President of the United States, reiterated acclamations 
testified the interest and the pleasure which the at- 
tending multitude felt in the transaction. 

The President immediately entered the Senate 
chamber and made the following Speech to the two 
branches of the Legislature. 

"Fellow citizens of the senate, and 
OF the house of representatives, 

" Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event 
could have filled me with greater anxieties than tliat 
of which the notification was transmitted by your or- 
der, and received on the 14th day of the present month. 
On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, 
whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and 



88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789 

love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest 
predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an im- 
mutable decision as tlie asylum of my declining years : 
a retreat which was rendered every day more necessa- 
ry as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit 
to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my 
health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. 
On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the 
trust to which the voice of my country called me, be- 
ing sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most expe- 
rienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his 
qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despond- 
ence on<3, who, inheriting inferiour endowments from 
nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil adminis- 
tration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own 
deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare 
aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect 
my duty from a just appreciation of every circum- 
stance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope 
is, that if in accepting this task I have been too much 
swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, 
or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent 
proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens ; and 
have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well 
as disinclination for t!io weighty and untried cares be- 
fore me ; my errour will be palliated by the motives 
which misled me, and its consequences be judged by 
my country, with some share of the partiality in which 
the}' originated. 

" Such being the impressions under which I have, 
in obedience to tlie publick summons, repaired to the 
present station, it would be peculiarly improper to 
omit in this first official act, my fervent supplications 
to that Ahnigiity Being, who rules over the universe, 
wko presides in the councils of nations, and whose 
providential aids can supply every human defect, that 
his benediction may consecrate to the libeities and 
happiness of the peoi)le of the United States, a govern- 



1789] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 89 

ment instituted by themselves for these essential pur- 
poses, and may enable every instrument employed in 
its administration, to execute with success the func 
tions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage 
to the great Author of every publick and private good, 
I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not 
less than my own ; nor those of my fellow citizens at 
large, less than either. No people can be bound to 
acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which con- 
ducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the 
United States. Every step by which they have ad- 
vanced to the character of an independent nation, 
seems to have been distinguished by some token of 
providential agency. And in the important revolution 
just accomplished in the system of their united govern- 
ment, the tranquil deliberations and voluntar}' consent 
of so many distinct communities, from which the 
event has resulted, cannot be compared with the 
means by which most governments have been establish- 
ed, without some return of pious gratitude along with 
a humble anticipation of the future blessings which 
the past seem to presage These rellections, arising 
out of the present crisis, l.ave forced themselves too 
strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join 
with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under 
the influence of which, the proceedings of a new and 
free government can more auspiciously commence. 

" By the article establishing the executive depart- 
ment, it is made the duty of the President ' to recom- 
mend to 3'our consideration, such measures as he shall 
judge necessary and expedient.' The circumstances 
under which I now meet you, will acquit me from en- 
tering into that subject, farther than to refer you to 
the great Constitutional Charter under which we are 
assembled ; and which in defining your powers, desig- 
nates the objects to which your attention is to be given. 
It will be more consistent w^ith those circumstances, 
and far more congenial with the feelings which actu 



90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1789. 

ate me to substitute in place of a recommendation of 
particular measures, the tribute that is due to the 
talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn 
the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In 
these honourable qualifications, I behold the surest 
pledges, that as on one side, no local prejudices or at- 
tachments, no separate views nor party animosities, 
will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which 
oucrht to watch over this great assemblage of commu- 
nities and interests : so, on another, that the founda- 
tions of our national policy will be laid in the pure 
and immutable principles of private morality ; and the 
pre-eminence of a free government be exemplified by 
all the attributes which can win the affections of its 
citizens, and command the respect of the world. 

" I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction 
which an ardent love for my country can inspire ; 
since there is no truth more thoroughly established, 
than that there exists in the economy and course of 
nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and hap- 
piness — between duty and advantage — between the 
genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, 
and the solid rewards of publick prosperity and felicity. 
Since we ought to be no less persuaded that the pro- 
pitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a 
nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and 
right, which Heaven itself has ordained : and since the 
preservatio'i of the sacred fire of liberty, and the desti- 
ay of the republican model of government, are justly 
considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the 
experiment entrusted to the hands of the American 
people. 

" Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your 
care, it will remain with your judgment to decide hew 
far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by 
the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expe- 
dient at the present juncture, by the nature of objec- 
tions which have been urged against the syplem, or by 



1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 91 

the degree of inquietude which has given birth to 
them. Instead of undertaking particular recommen- 
dations on this subject, in which I could be guided by 
no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall 
again give way to my entire confidence in your dis- 
cernment and pursuit of the publick good ; for I assure 
myself, that whilst you carefully avoid every altera- 
tion which might endanger the benefits of an united 
and effective government, or which ought to await the 
future lessons of experience ; a reverence for the 
characteristick rights of freemen, and a regard for the 
publick harmony, will sufhciently influence your de- 
liberations on the question, how far the former can be 
more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and 
advantageously promoted. 

" To the preceding observations I have one to add, 
which will be most properly addressed to the House 
of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will 
therefore be as brief as possible. Wlien I was fust 
honoured with a call into the service of my country, 
then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, 
the light in which I contemplated my duty, required 
that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. 
From this resolution I have in no instance departed. 
And being still under tlie impressions which produced 
it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself, any share 
in the personal emoluments, which may be indispensa- 
bly included in a permanent provision for the execu- 
tive department ; and must accordingly pray that the 
pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am plac- 
ed, may, during my continuation in it, be limited to 
such actual expenditures as the publick good may be 
thought to require. 

" Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as 
they have been awakened by the occasion which brings 
us together, I shall take my present leave ; but not 
without resorting once more to the benign Parent of 
the human race, in humble supplication, that since ho 



02 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [U^^d. 

has been pleased to favour the American people with 
opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, 
and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled una- 
nimity on a form of government for the security of 
their union, and the advancement of their happiness ; 
so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in 
the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and 
the wise measures on which the success of this go- 
vernment must depend." 

The answer of the Senate was highly respectful 
and affectionate. 

" The unanimous suffrage of the elective body in 
your favour, is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, 
confidence, and affection of the citizens of America, 
and is the highest testimonial at once of your merit, 
and their esteem. We are sensible, Sir, that nothing 
but the voice of your fellow citizens could have called 
you from a retreat, chosen by the fondest predilection, 
endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose of 
declining years. We rejoice, and with us, all Ameri- 
ca, that, in obedience to the call of our common coun- 
try, 3'ou have returned once more to publick Lfe. In 
you all parties confide, in you all interests unite, and 
we have no doubt that your past services, great as they 
have been, will be equalled by your future exertions ; 
and that your prudence and sagacity, as a statesman, 
will tend to avert the dangers to which we were ex- 
posed, to give stabil-ity to the present government, and 
dignity and splendour to that country, which your 
skill and valour as a soldier, so eminently contributed 
to raise to independence and empire. 

" When we contemplate the coincidence of circum 
stances, and wonderful combination of causes which 
gradually prepared the people of this country for in- 
dependence ; when we contemplate the rise, progress, 
and termination of the late war, which gave them a 
name among the nations of the earth, we are, with 
you, unavoidably led to acknowledge and adore tho 



1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 

great Arbiter of the universe, by whom empires rise 
and fall. A review of tht >nany signal instances of 
divine interposition in favour of this country, claims 
our most pious gratitude. And permit us, Sir, to ob- 
serve, that among the great events which have led to 
the formation and establishment of a federal govern- 
ment, we esteem your acceptance of the otfice of Pre- 
sident, as one of the most propitious and important." 

The House, equally affectionate and respectful in 
their answer, say : 

" The Representatives of the People of the United 
States, present their congratulations on the event by 
which your fellow citizens have attested the pre-emi- 
nence of your merit. You have long held the first 
place in their esteem ; you have often received tokens 
of their affection ; you now possess the only proof that 
remained of their gratitude for your services, of their 
reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in 
your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because the 
truest honour, of being the First Magistrate, by the 
unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of 
the earth. 

" We well know the anxieties with which you must 
have obeyed the summons, from the repose reserved 
for your declining years, into publick scenes, of which 
you had taken your leave for ever ; but the obedience 
was due to the occasion. It is already applauded by 
the universal joy which welcomes you to your station, 
and we cannot doubt that it will be rewarded with all 
the satisfaction, with which an ardent love for your 
fellow citizens must review successful efforts to pro- 
mote their happiness. 

*' This anticipation is not justified merely by the 
past experience of your signal services. It is particu- 
larly suggested by the pious impressions under which 
you commence your administration, and the enlighten- 
ed maxims by which you mean to conduct it. We 
feel with you the strongest obligations to adore the in- 



94 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 

visible hand which has led the American people through 
po many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibi 
lity for the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek 
the only sure means of preserving and recommending 
the precious deposite in a system of legislation, found- 
ed on the principles of an honest policy, and directed 
by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism. 

" The question arising out of the fifth article of tha 
Constitution will receive all the attention demanded 
>y its importance, and will, we trust, be decided under 
the influence of all the considerations to which you 
allude. 

" In forming the pecuniary provisions for the exe- 
cutive department, we shall not lose sight of a wish 
resulting from motives which give it a peculiar claim 
to our regard. Your resolution, in a moment critical 
to the liberties of your country, to renounce all per- 
sonal emolument, was among the many presages of 
your patriotick services, which have been amply fulfil- 
led ; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law 
then imposed on yourself, cannot fail to demonstrate 
the purity, whilst it increases the lustre of a charac- 
ter, which has so many titles to admiration. 

" Such are the sentiments with which we have 
thought fit to address you. They flow from our own 
hearts, and we verily believe, that among the millions 
we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose 
heart will disown them. 

" All that remains is, tliat we join in your fervent 
supplications for the blessings of Heaven on our coun- 
try ; and that we add our own for the choicest of those 
blessings on the most beloved of her citizens." 

While waiting tlie movements of the Letjislature, the 
President endeavoured fulIjM^o acquaint himself with 
the state of publick affairs, and for tliis purpose, ho 
called upon those who had been the heads of depart 
ments under the confederation, to report to him tho 
situation of their respective concerns. He also, hav 



1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 95 

ing consulted with his friends, adopted a system for 
the order of his own household, for the regulation of 
his hours of business, and of intercourse v/ith those 
who, in a formal manner, visited him as the Supreme 
Magistrate of the nation. 

He publickly announced that neither visits of busi- 
ness nor ceremony would be expected on Sunday, as 
he wished to reserve this day sacredly to himself 
Other regulations, adopted at this time, were at a sub- 
sequent period complained of as partaking too much 
of monarchical customs. To a friend in Virginia, who 
had made known these complaints, the Presi°dent gave 
the following reasons for their adoption. 

" While the eyes of America, perhaps of the world, 
are turned to this government, and many are watch- 
ing the movements of those who are concerned in its 
administration, I should like to be informed through 
so good a medium, of the publick opinion of both men 
and measures, and of none more than myself -.—not 
so much of what may be thought commendable parts, 
if any, of my conduct, as of those which are conceived 
to be of a different complexion. The man who means 
to commit no wrong, will never be guilty of enormi- 
ties, consequently can never be unwilling to learn 
what are ascribed to him as foibles. If tiiey are really 
Biich, the knowledge of them, in a well disposed mind, 
will go half way towards a reform. If they arc not 
errours, he can explain and justify the motives of his 
actions. At a distance from the theatre of action, 
truth is not always related without embellishments, 
and sometimes is entirely perverted, from a miscon 
caption of the causes which produced the effects that 
are the subject of censure. 

|- This leads me to think that a system which I found 
it indispensably necessary to adopt upon my first com- 
ing to this city, might have undergone severe stric- 
tures, and have had motives, very foreign from thoso 
that governed me, assigned as the causes thereof— J 



36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. 

mean first, returning no visits; second, appointing 
certain days to receive them generall}'^, (not to the ex- 
clusion, however, of visits on any other days under 
particular circumstances) and third, at first entertain- 
ing no company, and afterwards (until I was unable 
to entertain any at all) confining it to official charac- 
ters. A few days evinced the necessity of the two 
first in so clear a point of view, that had I not adopted 
it, I should have been unable to have attended to any 
sort of business, unless I had applied the hours allotted 
to rest and refreshment to this purpose ; for by the 
time I had done breakfast, and thence until dinner, 
and afterwards until bed time, I could not get reliev- 
ed from the ceremony of one visit, before I had to at- 
tend to another. In a word, I had no leisure to read 
or to answer the despatches that were pouring in upon 
me from all quarters. 

" Before the custom was estabhshed, which now ac- 
commodates foreign characters, strangers, and others, 
who, from motives of curiosity, respect to the Chief 
Magietrate, or any other cause, are induced to call 
upon me, 1 was unable to attend to any business what- 
soever. For gentlemen, consulting their own conve- 
nience rather than mine, were calling from the time 
I rose from breakfast, often before, until I sat down to 
dinner. This, as I resolved not to neglect my publick 
duties, reduced mo to the choice of one of these alter- 
natives ; either to refuse them altogether, or to appro- 
priate a time for the reception of them. The first 
would, I well knew, be disgusting to many ;. the latter, 
I expected, would undergo animadversions from those 
who would find fault with or without cause. To 
please every body was impossible. I therefore adopted 
that line of conduct which combined publick advantage 
with private convenience, and which in my judgment 
was unexceptionable in itself. 

" These visits are optional They are made wXh- 
out invitation. Between tl>e hours of tlireo and four 



/789.I LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 97 

every Tuesday I am prepared to receive them. Gen 
tlemen, often in great numbers, come and go, chat 
with each other, and act as they please. A portei 
shows them into the room, and they retire from it 
when they choose, and without ceremony. At their 
first entrance, they salute me, and I them, and as 
many as I can talk to, I do. What pomp there is in 
all this, I am unable to discover. Perhaps it consists 
in not sitting : to this, two reasons are opposed ; first, 
it is unusual ; secondly, (which is a more substantial 
one) because I have no room large enoiigh to contain 
a third of the chairs which would be sufficient to admit 
it. If it is supposed that ostentation, or the fashions 
of courts, (which, by the bye, I believe originate often- 
er in convenience, not to say necessity, than is gene- 
rally imagined) gave rise to this custom, 1 will boldly 
affirm that no supposition was ever more erroneous ; 
for were I to indulge my inclinations, everj^ moment 
that I could withdraw from the fatigues of my station, 
should be spent in retirement. That they are not, 
proceeds from the sense I entertain of the propriety 
of giving to every one as free access as consists with 
that respect which is due to the chair of government ; 
and that respect, I conceive, is neither to be acquired 
or preserved but by maintaining a just medium be- 
tween much state, and too great familiarity. 

*• Similar to the above, but of a more familiar and 
sociable kind, are the visits of every Friday afternoon 
to Mrs. Washington, where I always am. These pub- 
lick meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many 
as my table will huld, with the references \,o and from 
the different departments of state, and other commu- 
nications with all parts of the union, is as much, if not 
more, tha-n I am able to undergo ; for I have already 
had, within less than a year, two severe attacks ; — the 
last worse than the first : — a third, it is more than pro- 
bable, will put me to sleep with my fathers — at what 
distance this may be, I know not." 

Vol. II. 9 



98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [178!) 

At tlie commencement of the Presidency of General 
Wi.sHiNGTON, a variety of circumstances combined to 
create anxiety and apprehension respecting the opera- 
tions of the government. 

The relation of the country with foreign powers 
was critical and embarrassing. Spain discovered 
jealousies of the American people, and manifested a 
disposition to check their progress to national wealth 
and strength. She had refused negotiation >vith the 
American government, and denied to its subjects the 
navigation of the Mississippi south of the boundary of 
the United States. 

Between Great Britain and the United States, great 
causes of altercation existed. Just complaints of the 
non-execution of essential articles of the treaty of 
peace were mutually made, and an irritable state of 
mind appeared in both nations, which rendered the ad- 
justment of the controversy the more difficult. 

France early discovered a disposition to take advan- 
tage of the partiajity of the American people, to gain 
an influence in their counuls, and to acquire the con- 
trol of their destiny. 

The Indians, through the whole extent of the west- 
ern frontier, manifested great inquietude. Their jea- 
lousies of the United States were supposed to have 
been excited by the intrigues of Spanish and British 
partisans, and most of the tribes assumed a very threat- 
ening attitude. 

In addition to these foreign difficulties, there wrsre 
considerations of a domestick nature, peculiarly calcu- 
lated to excite apprehension. 

The whole plan of the Federal Government was 
new. In no branch of it was there a precedent ; but 
first principles and general rules were to be established 
in every department. The United States were with- 
out funds or revenue, and were destitute of publick 
credit. 

Many distinguished characters, in diiferent parts of 



1789.J LIFE OF WASHllNGTON, 99 

the Union, were from the first opposed to the Federal 
ConstiUition. Debates in state Convei.tions on its 
principles, had enkindled no inconsiderable degree of 
animosity. It had been ratified in them generally by 
small majorities, and in some instances this majority 
had been obtained, by annexing provisional amend- 
ments to the ratification. It was therefore to be ap- 
prehended that many of the members of the Legisla- 
ture were hostile to tlie Constitution, and would, un- 
der the idea of amending, sacrifice its spirit, or by their 
opposition to every salutary measure, prevent an ex- 
periment of a republican form of Government, auspi- 
ciously begun, from being fairly completed. 

Happily the American people retained their confi- 
dence in those distinguished statesmen, who had been 
their leaders in the controversy with Great Britain, 
which terminated in National Independence ; and 
these statesmen, imitating at this crisis the publick 
spirit of the General of the revolutionary war, con- 
sented to forego the pleasures and emoluments of pri- 
vate life, for the service of their country. Many of 
them were the successful candidates for popular suf- 
frage to compose the Legislature of the nation, and the 
first Congress consisted of men eminent for their ta- 
lents and political information, and venerable for their 
patriotis]n and virtue. A decided majority of these 
were the friends of the Constitution, and were dispos- 
ed to make every exertion to carry it into execution 
Ufon a liberal and efficient plan. 

One of the first acts of the Legislature was to esta- 
blish those departments which were necessary to aid 
the Executive in the administration of the govern- 
ment. 

In filling these departments, the President was to 
perform an important and delicate duty. Applications 
for oifice had been numerous, and the following cx- 
t-act of a letter written to a friend, who had applied 
even before General Wa^h^^^gtoiN accepted, the T^-esi- 



100 LIFE OF WASHliNGTON. [1789 

dency, will show the disposition with which he exe 
cu ^d this trust. 

" Should it become absolutely necessary for me to 
occupy tlie station in which your letter presupposes 
me, I have determined to go into it, perfectly free 
from all engagements of every nature whatsoever 
A conduct in conformity to this resolution, would en- 
able me in balancing the various pretensions of diffe- 
ront candidates for appointments, to act with a solo 
reference to justice and the publick good. This is, in 
substance, the answer that I have given to all applica- 
tions (and they are not few) which have already been 
made. Among the places sought after in these appli- 
cations, I must not conceal that the office to which 
you particularly allude, is compreliended. This fact, 
I tell you merely as a matter of information. My ge- 
neral manner of thinking, as to the propriety of hold- 
ing myself totally disengaged, will apologize for my 
not enlarging further on the subject. 

<• Though I am sensible that the publick suffrage 
which places a man in oifice, should prevent him from 
being swayed, in the execution of it, by his private in- 
clinations, yet he may assuredly, without violating his 
duty, be indulged in the continuance of his former at- 
tachments." 

His consequent nominations fully proved the purity 
of these declarations, and attested that his selection of 
characters, for the respective offices to be filled, was 
made with great judgment and prudence. Removed 
from the influence of local and family considerations, 
he directed his attention to the publick interest. 
Where qualifications were equal, the candidate who 
could claim the merit of publick service, had the pre- 
ference in his appointment. 

His cabinet was composed of Mr. Jefferson, Secre- 
tary of State, Colonel Hamilton, Secretary of the 
Treasury, General Knox, Secretary of War, and Mr, 
Edmund Randolph, Attorney General. 



1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. lO] 

The session of Congress contiraed to September- 
perfect harmony subsisted through this period between 
the Executive and the Legislature, and no circum- 
stance threatened to interrupt it. 

A*, the adjournment of Congress, the President made 
preparations for a tour through New-England, to view 
the improvements of the country and to judge of the 
disposition of the people towards the newly established 
government. Accordingly, on the 15th of October, he 
began his journey ; and, passing through Connecticut 
and Massachusetts went as far as Portsmouth in New- 
Hampshire ; returning by a different route, he arrived 
on the 13th of November at New-York. 

Many circumstances were combined during tliis visit 
to excite his sensibility and to render it grateful to his 
best feelings. His journey carried him through the 
most populous and cultivated part of the United States, 
and gave him a favourable opportunity to notice the 
progress of the country in those improvements, which 
constitute the strength, the wealth, and ornament of 
society. He visited the scene of his first campaign, 
and must have experienced elevated reflections in con- 
trasting the present situation of himself and his coun- 
try, with his and their condition at the commencement 
of the revolutionary war. Every where he remarked 
a steady attachment to the Federal Government, and 
received the most grateful evidence of unqualified 
approbation of the measures of the Administration. In 
every place through which he passed, business was 
suspended, and all classes of citizens were eagerly em 
ployed to obtain a sight of the Father of their country, 
and to join in the common expressions of veneration 
and attachment. Military parade, processions, and 
triumphal arches, awaited him in those populous towns 
at which he stopped, and so fully was the publick 
curiosity engrossed by his journey, that the news-pa- 
pers of the day were filled with narratives of its pro 
gress and termination 
9* 



102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. 

At Cambridge, the Lieutenant Governour and Coun- 
cil of Massachusetts waited upon him and accompani- 
ed him to Boston, escorted by a numerous collection 
of citizens, under the direction of the Marshal of the 
District, and the Sheriff of Suffolk. The Selectmen 
received him at the entrance of the town, and from it 
a procession of the inhabitants was formed, which ex- 
tended to the State House ; an interesting part of this 
procession, and which engaged the special attention 
of the President, was the male children of the town, 
under their respective literary instructers. This pro- 
cession opened to the right and left, and he on horse- 
back, preceded by companies of artillery and infantry, 
Dy the Lieutenant Governour and council, the Mar 
shall and Sheriff", passed to the State House. Here a 
triumphal arch was erected from the State House 
across Cornhill to the opposite houses. On the top 
of the arch was a gallery, in which were placed a 
select choir of singers of both sexes. In the middle 
of the gallery a pyramid was erected. On one side 
of this over the arch, was the inscription, " TO THE 
MAN WHO UNITES ALL HEARTS," and on the 
opposite side "TO COLUMBIA'S FAVOURITE 
SON." 

At the end of the arch next the State House, on a 
large ground, was this inscription, " BOSTON RE 
LIEVED MARCH 17, 1776." The President v/as 
introduced through the State House to a handsome 
gallery at the west end of that building, erected neai 
the arch on seven pillars. As soon as he appeared in 
view, loud acclamations broke from the concourse b©.' 
low. He bowed to them, on which the choir sang an 
appropriate Ode. He was then conducted to a house 
provided for his use, and elegantly furnished from the 
families of individual gentlemen. 

Addresses were presented to him from civil, literary, 
and religious corporations, and from all other societies 
of any distinction. In these, grateful notice was taken 



1789] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 

ot his publick services, and particularly, of the sacri- 
fice he made of private happiness in accepting the Pre- 
sidency. 

In his answers, the President reciprocated the be- 
nevolent wishes of his countrymen, in language calcu 
lated to confirm their confidence and aflfection. He 
thus replied to a respectful address from the inhabit 
»ats of Boston. 

" I rejoice with you my fellow citizens, in every 
circumstance that declares your prosperity ; and I do 
so most cordially because you have w^ell deserved to be 
happy. 

" Your love of liberty, your respect for the laws, 
your habits of industry, and your practice of the mo- 
ral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims 
to national and individual happiness. And they will, I 
trust, be firmly and lastingly established." 

In the renewal of direct intercourse between Gene- 
ral Washington and the companions of his toils and 
glory in the tented field, we perceive the most inte- 
resting effusion of the refined feelings of the human 
heart. 

" Amidst the various gratulations,'' says the society 
of Cincinnati of Massachusetts, '' which your arrival 
in this metropolis has occasioned, permit us, the mem- 
bers of the society of the Cincinnati in this Common- 
wealth, most respectfully to assure you of the ardour 
of esteem and affection you have so indelibly fixed in our 
hearts, as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious 
example in peace. 

" After the solemn and endearing farewell on the 
banks of the Hudson, which our anxiety presaged a? 
final, most peculiarly pleasing is the present unexpect- 
ed meetinj. On this occasion we cannot avoid the 
recollection of the various scenes of toil and danger 
through which you conducted us, and while we con- 
template various trying periods of the war, and the 
triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, indocea 



104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1781). 

by the unanimous voice of your country, entering upon 
other trials, and other services; alike important, and 
in some points of view, equally hazardous. For the 
completion of the great purposes which a grateful 
country has assigned you, long, very long may your 
invaluable life be preserved. And as the admiring 
world, while considering you as a soldier, have long 
wanted a comparison, may your virtues and talents as 
a statesman leave them without a parallel. 

*' It is not in words to express an attachment found 
ed like ours. We can only say, that when soldiers, 
our greatest pride was a promptitude of obedience to 
your orders ; as citizens, our supreme ambition is to 
maintain the character of firm supporters of that no- 
ble fabrick of Federal Government over which you 
preside. 

" As members of the society of the Cincinnati, it will 
be our endeavour to cherish those sacred principles of 
charity and paternal attachment which our institution 
inculcates. And while our conduct is thus regulated, 
we can never want the patronage of the first of patri- 
ots and the best of men." 

To vv'hich the President thus replied. 

" In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity, tho 
multiplied and affecting gratulations of my fellow 
citizens of this Commonwealth, they will all of them 
with justice allow me to say, that none can be dearer 
to me than the affectionate assurances which you have 
expressed. Dear indeed is the occasion which restores 
an intercourse Avith my faithful associates in prosper- 
ous and adverse fortune ; and eniianced are the tri- 
umphs of peace participated with those whose virtue 
and valour so la,rgely contributed to procure them 
To that virtue and valour, your country has confessed 
her obligations. Be mine the grateful task to add the 
testimony of a connexion which it was my pride to 
own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknow 
ledge in the enjoj'ments of peace and freedom. 



1789.] \,WE OF WASHINGTON. 105 

" Regulating your conduct by those principles which 
have heretofore governed your actions as men, soldiers, 
and citizens, you will repeat the obligations conferred 
on your country, and you will transmit to posterity an 
example that must command their admiration and 
grateful praise. Long may yon continue to enjoy the 
endearments of paternal attachment and the heartfelt 
happiness of reflecting that you have faithfully done 
your duty. 

" While I am permitted to possess the consciousness 
of this worth, which has long bound me to you b}' 
every tie of affection and esteem, I will continue to 
De your sincere and faithful friend." 

The first diplomatick transaction of the President 
was with the Indian tribes. He conceived it to be 
true pohcy to " cultivate an intimate intercourse with 
the Indians upon principles calculated to advance their 
happiness, and to attach them firmly to the United 
States." 

With these views he early opened negotiations with 
them, and the interests of several of the states being 
closely connected with treaties that might be made, he 
asked, during the first session of Congress, the advice 
of the Senate upon questions that were at issue. 

The first attempt to establish a peace with the Creek 
Indians failed. M'GilHvray, their Chief, was the son 
of a white man, and his resentment had been keenly 
excited against the state of Georgia by the confisca- 
tion of lands which his father had holden ; and more 
particularly by the claim of that government to a large 
tract on the Oconee in virtue of an Indian purchase, 
the validity of which the Creek nation denied. Ge- 
neral Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Colonel Humphries 
were deputed Commissioners to negotiate with the 
Creeks in the summer of 1769. They met M'GilH- 
vray with other Chiefs, and about two thousand of the 
tribe at Rock landing, on the Oconee, on the frontiers 
nf Georo-ia. Although first appearances promised 



106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5 

success to the mission, yet M'Gillivray suddenly broke 
off the negotiation f:)r the ostensible reason of a dis- 
pute about boundaries, but really, as was supposed, 
through the influence of the Spanish government. 

The situation of the United States in their relation 
with the Indians became more and more critical and 
embarrassing, and war was threatened with all the 
tribes from Canada to Louisiana. The danger was 
the more formidable from the supposition that the 
jealousies of the Indians were excited by the intrigues 
of British and Sp.anish agents, and that an Indian war 
would probably lead to hostilities with those powers. 

Ardently desirous to secure the frontiers from the 
horrours of Indian warfare, the President again at- 
tempted to negotiate with the Creeks, without com- 
mitting the dignity of government. He sent Colo- 
Willett, a gallant revolutionary officer, into their coun- 
try, apparently upon private business ; but furnished 
with credentials, to be used if he found M'Gillivray 
disposed for peace. This second mission proved suc- 
cessful. M'Gillivray and a number of Creek Chiefs 
were induced to repair to Nev/-York, where negotia- 
tions were immediately opened, and a treaty soon es- 
tablished: although the Secretary of East Florida came 
to New-York with a large sum of money, under a pre- 
tence of purchasing flour, but in fact to prevent M'Gil- 
livray from treating. 

The attempt to establish peace with the Indians of 
the Wabash and the Miamis did not terminate so suc- 
cessfully. The American settlers on that frontier con- 
tinued to sufier from their hostilities, and all appear- 
ances indicated, that they could be brought into a pa- 
cifick disposition, only by being made themselves to 
feel the miseries of war. 

The President was decidedly of the opinion that on 
the failure of negotiation, a military force should be 
employed in their country, which their umted power 
could not successfully resist, and which should be ade- 



1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 107 

quate to the conquest of their towns, and the destruc- 
tion of their villages. This, he conceived, poHcy, 
economy, and iiumanity dictated. But Congress, in 
their military establishment, did not meet his views, 
and at the moment he gave his sanction to the bill, he 
entered in his private journal, that he did not conceive 
the mihtary establishment was adequate to the exi- 
gence of the government, and to the protection it was 
intended to afford. 

For the sake of a connected view of Indian affairs, 
we will in this place give a narrative of subsequent 
transactions, although we shall be carried out of the 
order of time in which events took place. 

The attempt to negotiate with the Indians north- 
west of the Ohio having proved abortive, the Presi- 
dent conceived himself bound to use the means Con- 
gress had put into his hands to protect the frontiers ; 
and accordinjjly General Harmar was sent in Septem- 
ber 3791, into the Indian territories with a force, con- 
sisting of about three hundred regular troops and 
eleven hundred militia of Pennsylvania and Kentucky, 
with orders to bring the Indians if possible to action, 
and to destroy their settlements on the waters of the 
Scioto and Wabash. 

The Savages avoided an engagement with the main 
body of the American army, but with great spirit at- 
tacked a strong detachment which had pursued them, 
and killed several valuable officers. Harmar destroyed 
their settlements, but afforded no protection to the 
frontiers. Several smaller expeditions with various 
success were made into the Indian country, and in the 
autumn of 1791 Major General St. Clair marched a 
force of near two thousand effective men into their 
territories, and on the fourth of November was attack- 
ed and totally defeated by them. 

The President, apprehending that the success of the 
Indians, and the booty they had gained, would have in- 
fluence to brinor other tribes into the war, conceived 



108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17-10-5. 

that the honour of the nation was concerned to retrieve 
the American losses, and to afford protection to the 
frontiers. St, Clair resigning his commission, General 
Wayne was appointed his successor. The President 
lost no time in laying before Congress an estimate '^f 
such a military force, as he thought would be adequate 
to the object ; and they at length acceded to his pro- 
posal. While these preparations were ripening, much 
complaint was made of the war, and the President was 
induced, rather from a desire to convince the country 
that successful warfare was the only means of peace, 
than from any expectation of success in the mission, 
to send Colonel Harden and Major Trueman, two 
valuable officers and worthy men, into the Indian 
country, to attempt negotiation ; but they were both 
murdered. On the 20th of August, 1794, General 
Wayne brought the Indians to an engagement, to- 
tally defeated them, and destroyed their country on 
the Miamis. 

This action was decisive : it deterred other tribes 
from entering into the war, and induced tho Miamis 
themselves to treat for {>eace. On the 3d of August, 
a treaty was entered into by General Wayne with the 
Indians northwest of the Ohio, which ended all hostili- 
tjes, quieted the fears of the frontiers, and gave univer- 
sal satisfaction. 

As early as 1789, the President received authentick 
intelligence, that Spanish agents v^'ere intriguing with 
the inhabitants of the Western country, to seduce 
them from their allegiance to the United States. Re- 
presentations were made them in the name of tho 
government of Spain, that while they were connected 
with the Atlantick States, the navigation of the Mis- 
fc--ssippi would be denied them ; but if they would as- 
sume an independent government, the river should be 
o|)enetl, and their independence supported. 

In 1794, Spain, suffering herself the evils of war, 
was inclined to treat with the United States. She 



1790-5 I LIFE OF WASHINGTON. IOC 

mtimated by her ministers, that the etiquette of hei 
court forbid her to treat with Mr. Short, the Americaa 
resident at Madrid, yet a higher diplomatick charactei 
would be accredited, and negotiations immediately 
opened with him. The President placed full confi 
dence in Mr. Short, but he thought it policy to meet 
the friendly propositions of Spain, and in Novembei 
nominated Mr. Pinckney to be the American Ministei 
at that Court. In the course of the next summer, Mr 
Pinckney repaired to Madrid, and on the 20th of Octo- 
ber, 1795, a treaty was signed between him and the 
Spanish commissioners, which happily terminated the 
controversy respecting boundary lines, and the naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi to the satisfaction of the nation. 

On the 8th of January, 1790, the President met 
Congress at their second session. 

In his speech he congratulated them on the succe^^ 
of their measures, and recommended a variety of na- 
tional objects to their serious attention. Among these, 
the following are the principal. Provision for national 
defence ; the means of holding irtei course with fo- 
reign nations ; establishing a rule of riaturalization ; 
uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of 
the United States ; and the promotion of science and 
literature. 

*' Knowledge," he observed, *' is in every country 
the surest basis of publick happiness. In one, in which 
the measures of government receive their impressions 
80 immediately from the sense of the community as in 
ours, it is proportionably essential." And he concl aded 
with the following assurances. 

" I shall derive great satisfaction in co-operating with 
you in the pleasing though arduous task of ensuring to 
our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a 
right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal govern- 
ment." 

The answers of the Senate and the House of Re- 
presentatives were cordial and respectful, and promised 

Vol. JI. 10 



no LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1700-r, 

a continuance of harmony between the Executive and 
Legislature. 

In this session of Congress, the Secretary of the 
Treasury first reported those fiscal arrangements in 
support of publick credit, which, in their progress to 
establishment, were the occasion of warm and ani- 
mated debates in the Legislature, fully displayed the 
discordance of political opinion among the members, 
and excited that party spirit which has Gince convulsed 
Ihe United States. 

The President readily gave his sanction to these fis- 
cal establisliments of the Legislature, yet by this act 
he seemed not tn lose the good opinion of tiie opposi- 
tion ; the blame and odium fell upon the Secretary of 
the Treasury, and upon the northern federal members 
of Congress. 

The incessant application lo business had a visible 
effect upon the constitution of the President, and at 
this period he was for a second time attacked with a 
violent disease, which put his life in imminent danger. 
At the close of the session, therefore, he determined 
to give himself a short relaxation in a visit to Mount 
Vernon. He first made a tour to Rhode-Island, which 
not being then in the Union, had not been included in 
his visit to New-England ; and at Newport and Provi- 
dence he received every attention which afiection and 
rtjspect could dictate. 

This retirement was of essential service to his 
health, and at the close of autumn he returned to Phi- 
ladelphia to meet the Legislature ; to which place 
Congress had adjourned, at the close of the year 1790, 
At this time the President noticed the rising disturb- 
ances in Europe, and advised to those precautionary 
measures, which had a tendency to secure to the 
United States the benefit of their commerce. Men- 
tioning to the House the sufficiency of the established 
revenue to the purposes to which it was appropriated, 
he expressed his hnpe " that it would be a favourite 



1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 111 

policy with them not merely to secure the mterest of 
the debt funded, but as far, and as fast as the growing 
resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it 
of tha principal itself" The address was closed in 
the following impressive manner. 

" In pursuing the various and weighty business of 
the present session, 1 indulge the fullest persuasion 
that your consultations will be marked with wisdom, 
and animated by the love of country. In whatever 
belongs to my duty, you shall have all the co-operation 
which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire 
It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if 
by a successful administration of our respective trusts, 
we can make the established government more and 
more instrumental in promoting the good of our 
fellow citizens, and more and more the object of their 
attachment and confidence." 

The respect and confidence of the Legislature in 
the Executive appeared on this occasion without dimi- 
nution ; although one of the measures of the Presi- 
dent was for the first time condemned. A member 
from Georgia pronounced the treaty with the Creek 
Indians to be a violation of the rights of that state. 

In this session of Congress the Bank of the United 
States was established. Its constitutionality had been 
deeply argued in the Legislative body, and came be- 
fore the Executive as a question involving the highest 
nationil interest. It was reviewed in the Cabinet with 
the deliberation it merited. The Council, on this oc- 
casion, as on most others, were divided. Messrs. Jef 
ferson and Randolph expressed as their decided opi 
nion that tlie law was unconstitutional. Messrs 
Hamilton and Knox were fully convinced of its consti- 
tutionality. The President called upon each member 
of his Council for the reasons of his opinion in writing. 
These he maturely weighed, and being convinced him- 
self that the law was constitutional, put his signature 

to It. 



112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5. 

With the 3d of March, 1791, terminated the period 
of the first Congress. 

President Washington having made the necessary 
arrangements, and appointed an Executive Council to 
attend to the business of the governmont, soon after 
the close of the session, commenced a journey to the 
Southern States. On his way he stopped at the Poto 
mack, and, pursuant to the powers with which Con 
gress had vested him, marked out the ?'te of the Fede- 
ral City, designed as the permanent seat of govern- 
ment. In the course of this tour he received the same 
general expressions of love and veneration for his cha- 
racter, and of confidence in his government, which he 
had experienced in his northern c''"cuit. And he de- 
rived great satisfaction in contemplating the improve- 
ments of the country, and remarking the evidences of 
attachment to the Federal Government. The feelings 
excited by this journey are fully expressed in the fol- 
lowing letter, written after his return to Philadelphia. 

" In my late tour through the Southern States, I ex- 
perienced great satisfaction in seeing the good effects 
of the general government in that part of the union 
The people at large have felt the security which it 
gives, and the equal justice which it administers to 
them. The Farmer, the Merchant, and the Mecha- 
nick, have seen their several interests attended to, and 
from thence they unite in placing a confidence in their 
Representatives, as well as in those in whose hands 
the execution of the laws is placed. Industry has there 
taken place of idleness, and economy of dissipation. 
Two or three years of good crops, and a ready market 
for the produce of their lands, have put every one in 
good humour ; and in some instances, they even im- 
pute to the government what is due only to the good- 
ness of Providence. 

" The establishment of publick credit is an immense 
point gained in our national concerns. This I believe 
exceeds the expectation of the most sanguine among 



1700-5] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. H3 

us ; and a late instance, unparalleled in this country, 
has been given of the confidence reposed in our mea- 
sures, by the rapidity with which the subscriptions to 
the Bank of the United States were filled. In two 
hours after the books were opened by the commission- 
ers, the whole number of shares were taken up, and 
four thousand more applied for than were allowed by 
the institution. This circumstance was not only pleas- 
ing as it related to the confidence in government, but 
also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the re- 
sources of our citizens." 

The hearts of all Americans were with General 
Washington at this period ; but notwithstanding 
these publick appearances, there was in fact much 
hostility to the government at the Southward. 

On the 24th of October, 1791, the President met the 
second Congress in the established form. 

During this session a great national question came 
before the Legislature which the President was com- 
pelled ultimately to decide. 

The constitution provides that there shall not be 
more than one Representative to thirty thousand in- 
habitants. An enumeration having been made, the 
House of Representatives passed a bill providing for 
each state to send one Representative for ever}' thirty 
thousand of its population. This ratio in several in- 
stances leaving a large fraction, operated unequally on 
the small states. The Senate, to cure the evil, assumed 
a new principle of apportionment. They found the 
whole population of the United States, and, dividing this 
aggregate number by thirty thousand, took the quo- 
tient as the number of Representatives, and then ap- 
portioned this number upon the several states accord- 
ing to their population ; to which the House concurred. 
When the President had the bill before him for hia 
signature, he took the opinion of his Cabinet upon the 
constitutionality of the arrangement. Mr. JeiTersoD 
and Mr. Randolph thought the bill unconstitutional. 
10* 



114 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17'J0-5. 

General Knox was undecisive, and Colonel Hamilton 
conceived tliat the expression of the Constitution 
might be applied to the United States, or to the several 
states, and thought it best to coincide with the con 
struction of the Legislature. Afler due deliberation, 
the President thought the bill unconstitutional, and 
not hesitating to do his duty, he returned it with the 
following objections. 

" Gentlemen of the 

house of kepfcesentatives, 

" I have maturely considered the act, passed by the 
two Houses, entitled ' an act for the apportionment of 
Representatives among the several states according 
to the first enumeration,' and I return it to your House, 
wherein it originated, with tne following objections. 

" First, The Constitution has prescribed that Re- 
presentatives shall be apportioned among the several 
states according to their respective numbers, and there 
is no proportion or division which, applied to the re- 
spective numbers of the states, will yield the number 
and allotment of Representatives proposed by the bill. 

" Secondly, The Constitution has also provided, that 
the number of Representatives shall not exceed one 
for thirty thousand, which restriction is by fair and ob- 
vious construction, to be applied to the separate and 
respective numbers of the states, and the bill has allot- 
ted to eight of the states more than one for thirty 
thousand." 

The adopted mode was in consequence of the dis- 
Bent of the Executive laid aside, and, in a new bill, a 
Representative for every thirty-three thousand to each 
state was substituted. 

The first Presidency of General Washington closed 
without other occurrences of great magnitude. The 
ast session of the second Congress was violent and 
impassioned, and the members separated in a state of 
great iiritation, but neither they nor their constituents 
had as yet impeached tlie motives of the President, 



1793.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 

yet it was then evident that, if he remained at the 
head of government, his reputation must scon pass 
the ordeal of party conflict. He had determined to 
decline beincr a candidate for the Presidency at a 
Becond election, and to this purpose, had written a 
valedictory address to the American people ; but the 
critical state of the country, and the urgent entreaties 
of his friends induced him to relinquish the determina- 
tion. 



CHAPTER XII. 

General Washington re-elected President — State of Parties^Divi- 
sion in the Cabinet — The President endeavours to promote union 
— Influence of the Frencli Revolution — Measures to secure the 
Neutrality of the United States in the War between France and 
England — Mr. Genet's illegal practices — He insults the Govern- 
ment — Tlie E.\ecutive restricts him — He appeals to the People — 
They support the Administration — The President determines to 
arrest Genet — He is recalled — Negotiation with Britain — Insur- 
rection in Pennsylvania — Dcmocralick Societies — British Treaty 
— Communication between the French Executive and the Legis- 
lature of the United States — The Presiuent refuses to the House 
of Representatives the Papers respecting Diplomatick transac- 
tions — His interpositions in favour of the Marquis La Fayette — 
Takes the Son of the Marquis under his Protection and Patro- 
nage. 

1793-7. When the constitutional period arrived 
for the re-election of a President, it appeared, that 
General Washington had a second time the unani- 
mous suffrage of his country for this exalted ofiice. 
He entered upon its duties in the prospect, that the 
administration of the government would be attended 
with accumulated difficulty. 

The character of the American patriot is with reluc- 
tance blended in these pages with events of a local or 
temporary nature. It is painful to reflect, that his fair 
fame was even for a moment sullied by the foul breath 
of calumny. The pen is indignant to record charges 
against his honour and his patriotism, charges which 
their authors knew to be istfounded and which were 



116 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793 

made only to answer the purposes of a p^^ty. But it 
is impossible to portray the wisdom, the firmness, and 
prudence which were displayed during his second Pre- 
sidency, or to show the good fortune which attended 
it, without bringing into distinct view the circumstan- 
ces under which he acted. Without a knowledge of 
the difficulties which he surmounted, and the opposi- 
tion which he conquered, posterity will have no ade- 
quate conception of the merits of this period of his ad- 
ministration. 

The difference of political opinion arising from pur- 
suits of personal ambition, from discordant views of 
national and state policy, and from the danger to be 
apprehended from the encroachments of democracy, or 
from the abuse of power in the constituted govern- 
ment, had, since the establishment of the Federal Con- 
stitution regularly increased in strength and asperity. 
It had appeared in all the important debates of Con- 
gress, had pervaded every part of the United States, 
and under its influence, two political parties were by 
this time fully established, and nearly balanced ; the 
one the warm advocates, the other the determined op- 
ponents of the measures of the government. 

Although the President had readily given his sanc- 
tion to those acts of the government which had agitat- 
ed in the highest degree the passions of parties, yet 
♦here was that in his character which forbade his po- 
litical enemies to denominate him the head of a party. 
He had strong hold of the affections and confidence of 
the great mass of his countrymen, and the most dar- 
ing of the oppositionists thought it as yet impolitick 
to assail his patriotism ; but a crisis was evidently ap- 
proaching, when he would be under the necessity of 
putting his personal influence to hazard, of subjecting 
himself to the obloquy of a virulent party, and of sus- 
taining the assault of disappointed ambition. 

Unfortunately the spirit of political controversy and 
division which agitated the nation, entered the Cabi« 



1793.] LIFE OF WASHING TON. 117 

not of the Executive, and discovered itself in almost 
every important subject that was submitted to their 
discussion. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Hamilton were di- 
rectly opposed to each other on almost all important 
national questions. This opposition being frequently 
warmed by the collision of debate, finally settled into 
implacable political and personal animosity. The Pre- 
sident noticed this hostility between his counsellors 
with grief and mortification ; and unwilling to part 
with either, he endeavoured t'-^ reconcile them. In a 
letter addressed to the Secretary of State in August 
1792, after stating the critical situation of the United 
States, with respect to foreign nations, he thus feel- 
ingly touched upon the animosity that existed in tlie 
Cabinet. 

" How unfortunate, how nmch to be regretted then, 
that while we are encompassed on all sides with avow- 
ed enemies, and insidious friends, internal dissensions 
should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. The last, 
to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the 
most afflicting of the two ; and without more charity 
for the opinions of one another in government matters, 
or some more infallible criterion by which the truth 
of speculative opinions, beftre they have undergone 
the test of experience, are to be forejudged than has 
yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be 
difficult if not impracticable to manage the reins of 
government, or keep the parts of it together; for if, 
instead of laying our shoulders to the machine, afler 
measures are decided on, one pulls this way, and 
another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly 
tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder ; and in my 
opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and prospe- 
rity that ever was presented to man, will be lost, per- 
haps for ever. 

*• My earnest wish and fondest hope therefore is, 
tliat instead of wounding suspicions, and irritating 
cliarges, there may be liberal allowances, mutual for 



118 LIFE OF \VAiSHli\GrO.\. [1793 

bearances, a.nd temporizing yielding on all sides. Un- 
der the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly, 
and if possible, more prosperously. Without them 
every thing must rub ; the wheels of government will 
clog ; our enemies will triumph ; and by throwing 
their weight into the disaffected scale, may accom- 
plish the ruin of the goodly fabrick we have been 
erecthig. 

" I do not mean to apply this advice, or these obser- 
vations, to any particular person or character. I have 
given them in the same general terms to other officers 
(tf the government, because the disagreements which 
have arisen from diffi^rence of opinions, and the attacks 
which have been made upon almost all the measures 
of government, and most of its executive officers, have 
for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, 
and cannot fail, I think, of producing unhappy conse- 
quences, at home and abroad." 

To a letter of Mr. Jeffi^rson's, in which he endea 
voured to prove, that although he wished to amend, 
yet he had advocated the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution, the President thus replied. 

" I did not require the evidence of the extracts 
which you enclosed me, to convince me of your attach- 
ment to the constitution of the United States, or of 
your disposition to promote the general welfare of this 
country ; but I regret, deeply regret, the dilTerence of 
opinion which has arisen, and divided you and another 
principal officer of the government ; and wish devoutly 
there could be an accommodation of them by mutual 
yieldings. 

" A measure of this sort would produce harmony 
and consequent good in our publick Councils ; and 
the contrary will inevitably produce confusion and se- 
rious miscliiefs ; and for what ? Because mankind 
cannot see alike, but would adopt different means to 
obtain the same end. For I will frankly and solemnly 
declare, that 1 believe ^lie views of both to be pure 



1793.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11!) 

and well meant, and that experience only will decide 
with respect to the salubrity of the measures which 
are the subject of this dispute. Why then, when some 
of the best citizens of the United States, men of dis- 
cernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no 
sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways 
of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one 
side, and some on the other of the questions which 
have caused these agitations ; why should eiJier of 
you be so tenacious of your opinions as to make no a! 
lowance for those of the other } 

" i could, and indeed was about to add more on this 
interesting subject, but will forbear at least for the 
present, after expressing a wish that the cup which 
has been presented to us may not be snatched from 
our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuad- 
ed that there is no discordance in your views. I 
have a great and sincere esteem for you both ; and 
ardently wish that some line could be marked out, by 
which both of you could walk." 

These serious endeavours of the President produced 
not their desired effect. The hostility of the two Se- 
cretaries remained in full force. The Attorney Gene- 
ral almost without exception coincided ir opinion with 
Mr. Jefferson ; the Secretary of War generally accord- 
e-i in judgment with Colonel Hamilton, and of conse- 
quence the President was deprived of the proper ad- 
vice of his Council. But he possessed in a degree 
which few other men ever did, the faculty to suspend 
his own judgment on every important subject, until 
he had exhausted every source of information, and had 
fully weighed the opinions of those about him. He 
early established it as a maxim never to give his opi- 
nion on any important question, until the moment that 
a decision was necessar}'^, and from a rigid adherence 
to this maxim, on many critical occasions he derived 
singular advantage. In deliberating upon national 
subjects submitted to him as the Supreme Executive, 



1120 LIFE OI^ WASHINGTOrs. [1793 

he appeal 3d to be raised above the influence of pa3 
sions, prejudice, and every personal and local consi- 
deration ; and having given every circumstance its 
weight, to decide irom the dictates of pure intelli- 
gence. 

This vras the political situation of the Urtited States,, 
when the French revolution had made such progress 
as to acquire an influence over the feelings and the 
sentiments of the American peopb, and to render the 
diplomatick concerns of the government with that 
country critical and embarrassing. 

Mr. Morris, the American Minister at Paris, with 
much discrimination noticed the surprising events that 
were daily taking place in France, and transmitted a 
minute account of them to the President ; but while 
waiting for instructions, he cautiously avoided com- 
mitting the government of his own country. 

On the deposition of the Monarch, with all the 
blondy and ferocious deeds vv'hich accompanied it, the 
President gave Mr. Morris the following information 
for the direction of his ministerial conduct. The ex'st- 
ing administration in France was to be acknowledged ; 
as every nation possesses an inherent right to settle 
the frame of its own government, and to manage its 
internal concerns ; that the United States would punc- 
tually pay the debt due to France, and would furnish any 
supplies to St. Domingo that the parent country might 
desire. Mr. Morris wa-s directed to assure France 
of the friendly disposition of the United States, and 
that every opportunity would be embraced to promote 
hsr welfare. 

Attached to republican principles, the President 
fondly hoped that the struggle in France would termi 
I nate ia a free government ; but his partiality towm-ds 
I the n3w order of things m that country, was not so 
I great as to render him forgetful that the aid given to 
j America was afforded by the fallen king, or unmindful 
] that he was the head of his own nation, whoso indo- 

I 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 121 

pendence and prosperity he ought to hold in higher 
estimation than the interest of a foreign people. 

The prejudices and partialities of the American peo- 
ple towards England and France, excited by the revo- 
lutionary contest, had not at this period wholly subsid- 
ed, and the commencement of war between regenerated 
France and the Monarchs of Europe, operated upon 
their feelings like a shock of electricity. Reason and 
judgment seemed to be laid aside, and nothing was 
heard but the language of passion. Without inquiring 
which nation was the first aggressor, Americans could 
only see a number of despots combined against a sistet 
Republick, virtuously struggling to establish her li- 
berty. Their national vanity was flattered by the 
persuasion that the spark which lighted the flame of 
liberty in France, was taken from their altar, or, in 
the language of Di. FrankUn, "the French having 
served an apprenticeship in America, set up for them- 
selves in Europe." 

If a few individuals, more cool, doubted the tendency, 
and dreaded the issue of the commotions in France, 
they were generally denominated aristocrats, the ene- 
mies of equal liberty, and the enemies of their own 
country. 

Although there w^as no intention in the body of 
American citizens to involve the United States in a 
war, yet they generally discovered an ardent inclina- 
tion to grant those favours to France, wiiich must ine- 
vitably lead to a state of hostility. 

The President was at Mount Vernon on some urgent 
private business, when the intelligence of the declara- 
tion of war between France and England reached the 
United States. Perceiving the importance of the cri- 
sis, he -jvith haste returned to the seat of government. 
On t.'ie day which succeeded that of his arrival, April 
17, 1793, he addressed the following letter to the mem- 
here of his Cabinet, for their solemn deliberations. 
'* The posture of affairs in Europe, particularly b« 
Vol. II. 11 



m LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1703-7 

twecn France and Great Britain, places the United 
States in a delicate situation, and requires much con 
sideration of the measures which will be proper for 
them to observe in the war between those powers 
With a view to forming a general plan of conduct for 
the Executive, I have stated and enclosed sujidry ques 
lions to be considered, preparatory to a meeting at 
my house to-morrow, where I shall expect to see you 
at 9 o'clock, and to receive the result of your reflec 
tions thereon. 

" Question 1. Shall a proclamation issue for the 
purpose of preventing interferences of the citizens of 
the United States in the war between France and 
Great Britain, &c. ? Shall it contain a declaration of 
neutrality or not ? What shall it contain ? 

'^ Question K. Shall a minister from the Republick 
of France be received .-' 

" Question III. If received, shall it be absolutely, or 
with qualifications, and if with qualifications, of what 
kind ? 

" Question IV. Are the United States obliged by 
good faith to consider the treaties heretofore made 
with France, as applying to the present situation of 
the parties ? May they either renounce them or hold 
them suspended until the government of France shall 
be established ? 

" Question V. If they have the right, is it expedi- 
ent to do either .' And which .'' 

*' Question VI. If they have an option, would it 
be a breach of neutrality to consider the treaty still in 
operation ? 

" Question VII. If the treaties are to be considered 
as now in operation, is the guarantee in the treaty of 
alliance applicable to a defensive war only, or to war 
either offensive or defensive .'' 

" Question VIII. Does the war in which France is 
engaged appear to be offensive or defensive on her 
part .'' Or of a mixed and equivocal character .' 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123 

" Question IX. If of a mixed and equivocal cha- 
racter, does the guarantee in any event apply to such 
a war .'' 

" Question X. What is the effect of a guarantee, 
such as that to be found in the treaty of alliance be 
tween the United States and France ? 

" Question XL Does any article in either of the 
treaties prevent ships of war, other than privateer-s, 
of the powers opposed to France, from coming into 
the ports of the United States, to act as convoys to 
their own merchantmen ? Or does it lay any other re- 
straints upon them more than would apply to the ships 
of war of France .'' 

" Question XII. Should the future Regent of 
France send a minister to the United States ; ought 
he to be received? 

" Question Xlll. Is it necessary or adviseable to call 
together the two Houses of Congress with a view to 
the present posture of European affairs i" If it is, whal 
should be the particular objects of such a call ?" 

On some of these questions he had already made up 
hip mind, as appears from his communications to Mr. 
Morris, but he thought it expedient to take a view of 
the whole subject. 

At the proposed meeting, the Cabinet unanimously 
recommended to the President to issue a Proclamation 
of Neutrality, forbidding the citizens of the United 
States to engage in any act of hostility against either 
of tlie belligerent powers, or to carry either of them 
articles, contraband of war, and requiring them to re- 
frain from all acts, unfriendly towards nations with 
whom the United States were at peace. This Pro- 
clamation the President immediately issued. 

It was unanimously recommended to the President 
to receive a Minister from the French Republick. The 
Cabinet was also united in the opinion, that it was in- 
expedient to call Congress together. On the other 
questions the usual diflerence of sentiment existed. 



124 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^795-7 

The Secretary of State and the Attorney General 
conceived that the changes in the government of 
France made no essential difference in the relation of 
the two nations ; but that in all respects the inter- 
course should proceed on principles established with 
the monarchy. The Secretaries of the Treasury and 
of War, admitted the right of a nation to change the 
form of its government at will, but denied its right to 
involve other nations in all the consequences of altera- 
tions they might be disposed to make. The convul- 
sions of France they thought threatened dangers to 
nations in alliance with her. and maintained that the 
United States were at liberty to suspend the operation 
of treaties with that country, when it was necessary 
for then* own safety. 

Messrs. Jefferson and Randolph also contended that 
it was inexpedient to come to any decision respecting 
the application of the article of the guarantee to the 
present government. Messrs. Hamilton and Knox 
were of opinion that France being the aggressor, the 
war on her part was offensive, that the guarantee re- 
specting only defensive war, did not apply to the pre- 
sent state of things. 

The President again required the reasons in writing 
of each opinion, and after due investigation establish 
ed those maxims for the support of neutral rights, 
which he firmly, but temperately maintained through 
the succeeding period of his administration; and which, 
amidst conflicts that prostrated the stablest pillars of 
European governments, preserved his country from the 
miseries of war. 

In the slate of the pubiick sentiment which we have 
noticed, Mr. Genet landed April 8th, 1793, at Charles- 
ton, South-Carolina, as the Minister of Pi.epublican 
France. Ardent in the constitutional temperament of 
his mind, inflated with the zeal of a new convert to 
the doctrine of liberty and equality, he conceived thai 
the enlightened v/orld felt a high interest in tiie revo- 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 125 

lution of his country, and that every man of virtue 
was disposed to espouse her cause. His reception at 
Charleston was calculated to increase his most san- 
guine viev.'s. From the Supreme Magistrate of the 
state, and from every class of citizens, he received 
warm expressions of enthusiastick devotion to the new 
Republick. Taking these as evidence of the general 
disposition of the AiDcrican people, he did not wait to 
present his official letter to the Executive, and to be 
accredited by him ; but availing himself of the favour- 
able situation of Charleston to fit out privateers against 
the West Indian trade, he presumed to autliorize the 
arming of ships in that port, and to give commissions 
to cruise against the commerce of a nation with wliom 
the United States were at amiiy. Prizes taken by 
these privateers were brought into American harbours, 
and French Consuls were opening Courts of Admi- 
ralty to condemn them. 

From Charleston Mr. Genet travelled by land to 
Philadelphia, receiving in every part of his way the 
same ardent declarations of attachment to France. 
Although the unwarrantable conduct of Mr. Genet at 
Charleston was v/ell known in Philadelphia, yet his 
entrance into the city was rendered pompous and tri- 
umphal, and '• crowds flocked from every avenue of 
the city to meet the Republican Ambassador of an 
allied nation." On the day after his arrival, addresses 
were presented to him from particular societies, and 
from individual citizens, in which they expressed their 
exultation at the victories of France, and declaret' that 
in their opinion, her success was essential to the safe- 
ty of the American states. 

On the I6th of May he presented his credentials to 
the President. These contained respectful sentiments 
towards the government of the United States, and 
abounded with devotions to the American people 
The President received him in an open and inorenuous 
1]* 



126 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7 

manner, and with sincerity expressed his regard for 
the French nation. 

In this conference Mr. Genet declared that Jiis 
government had no desire to engage the United States 
in the European war, but wished them to pursue their 
own interest ; yet he persisted in the exercise of his 
assumed power, and a French privateer captured an 
English merchantman within the Capes of the Dela- 
ware, while on her way to the ocean. This prize be- 
ing taken in the waters of the United States, and there- 
fore under the control of the government, the British 
minister coinplained of this illicit proceeding, and de- 
manded restitution of the property unlawfully taken 
from his countrymen. 

The Cabinet unanimously agreed that the proceed- 
ings of Mr. Genet were not warranted by any existing 
treaties between the two nations, were therefore viola- 
tions of neutral rights, and that the government ought 
to prevent the repetition of them. They also agreed 
that restitution ought to be made, of the prize taken 
within the waters of the Delaware. Respecting prizes 
taken upon the high seas, in virtue of commissions 
issued by Genet, and brought into the American ports, 
the Cabinet were divided. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. 
Randolph held that the government was under no ob- 
ligation to restore them to their original owners. 
Colonel Hamilton and General Knox contended that, 
to maintain an honest neutrality, the United States 
were bound to restore the prizes. 

The President took time to deliberate on those points 
on which his Council were not agreed. 

Principles in which they were united, he establish- 
ed ; and directed the Secretary of State to give the 
necessary information to the Ministers of France and 
Britain. 

Mr. Genet complained heavily of these rules of th« 
American Government, as a violation of neutral right^ 



1793-7.] LIFE OF AVASHINGTON. 127 

and as a breach of existing treaties between tlie two 
nations. 

In his comments upon these treaties, he claimed for 
France every thing whicli the two nations had bound 
themselves not to grant to other countries, converting 
negative stipulations which respected other naticus, 
into grants of positive privileges to the contractmg 
parties. 

He v/as informed, that out of respect to him, the 
subject had been reviewed in the Cabinet ; but that 
the President saw no reason to change his opinion. 
Mr. Genet still refused acquiescence, and seemed to 
have entertained the expectation, that he should be 
able so far to avail himself of the partiality of the 
Americans for France, as to bend the Administration 
to his own purposes, or to overthrow it. 

Prosecutions having been commenced against two 
of the American citizens, whom Genet engaged at 
Charleston, to cruise in the service of France, he de- 
manded these men of the civil magistrate who had ar- 
rested them, in the following very extraordinary Ian 
guage. 

" I have this moment been informed that two offi- 
cers in the service of the Ptepublick of France, citizens 
Gideon Henfield and John Singletary, have been ar- 
rested on board the privateer of the French Republick, 
the Citizen Genet, and conuucted to prison. The 
crime laid to their charge, the crime which my mind 
cannot conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to 
state, is the serving of France, and defending with her 
children the common glorious cause of liberty. 

" Being ignorant of any positive law or treaty whicJi 
d^'urives Americans of this privilege, and authorizes 
officers of police arbitrarily to take mariners in the 
service a^ France from on board their vessels, I call 
upon your intervention, sir, and that of the President 
of the United States, in order to obtain the immediate 
releasement of the above mentioned officers, who have 



ins LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7 

acquired by the sentiments animating them, and by 
the act of their engagement, anleriour to every act to 
the contrary, the right of French citizens, if they 
have lost that of American citizens." 

The President considered this insolent demand as 
an attack upon the honour and independence of the 
United States ; but without noticing tlie intemperate 
language of the French Minister, he steadily pursued 
the publick interest. 

The leading individuals of that portion of the Ame- 
rican people who had been opposed to the adoption of 
the National constitution, and were opposed to the 
measures of the Administration under it, in the par- 
tialities and prejudices manifested throughout the 
Union towards France and Great Britain, saw the 
probable means to weaken the confidence, and alienate 
the affection which the citizens of the United States 
manifested towards the President ; and in this way to 
bring about a revolution in the national government. 
In pursuance of this plan, the resentments and the en- 
thusiastick sympathies of the people were fostered ; 
and democratiok societies, in imitation of the Jacobin 
Club in Paris, were formed. The victories of France 
were celebrated by feasts, bonfires, and other publick 
rejoicings. 

The measures adopted by the Executive to preserve 
the peace of the nation, were vilified in the newspa- 
pers devoted to the opposition ; the proclamation of 
neutrality was declared to be an exercise of power, 
with which the Constitution did not invest the Presi- 
dent ; and the measures of the Administration gene- 
rally were pronounced to be unfriendly to France, and 
to carry evidence of their intention to break with tliat 
Republick and to join in the royal crusade against 
liberty. Mr. Genet was justified in the construction 
of the existing treaties between the two nations, and 
he was urged to per.sist in his opposition to the mea- 
sures of the American jrovernment. 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINCxTON. 129 

The President deeply felt the insult offered to tho 
nation, by the attempt of the Fr« neh Minister to con 
tinue the exercise of an usurped authority witliin the 
United States ; but he knew the importance of yield- 
ing to the feelings of his countrymen, as far as con- 
sisted with the dignity of his station, and with the in- 
dependence, the peace, and welfare of his ccuntry. 
He contented himself with confuting in a cool a.nd dis- 
passionate manner the extravagant positions of Mr 
Genet, and inflexibly adhered to his system. 

Private business called him to Mount Vernon, and 
he was absent from the seat of government from the 
24th of June to the 11th of July. During his absence 
the Heads of Departments supGrinten(?3d the execu- 
tion of the measures that had been agreed upon in tlie 
Cabinet. At this tiiue an event took place which fully 
exhibits the rashne^ss jf the French Minister, and shows 
the difficulty to v/hich he subjected the administration. 

A French privateer brought an English merchant- 
man, th« Little Sarah, into Philadelphia. This vessel 
Genet equipped as a privateer. Having mounted four- 
teen iron cannon, and six swivels, and taken on board 
one hundred and twenty men, a number of whom were 
Americans, she was about to sail under the name of 
La Petite Democrat. In this situation the Secretary 
of the Treasury reported her case to the Secretaries 
of State and of War. Governour Mifflin was in con- 
sequence requested to make examination, and on tho 
14th of July he reported that she was to sail next day. 
By desire of the Heads of Departments the Governour 
sent Mr. Dallas, Secretary of State for Pennsylvania. 
to request Mr. Genet to relieve them from the disa- 
greeable necessity of preventing by force the sailing 
of a privateer equipped in their ports. This request 
excited in that Minister the most violent passion, which 
he vented in very intemperate and abusive language, 
declared that La Petite Democrat would repel force by 
force, and threatened to appeal from the Executive to 



/3iJ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. 

the people. Mr. Jefferson in person waited upon him 
to renew the request, that he would order the priva- 
teer not to sail until the pleasure of the President 
could be known ; Mr. Jciferson reported, that after an 
ebullition of passion, and some equivocation, he un- 
derstood Mr. Genet to promise, that the privateer 
should fall down below Chester, and there wait the 
will of the President. Colonel Hamilton and Gene- 
ral Knox were for taking measures to prevent her 
sailing, but Mr. Jetferson, professing his confidence in 
the promise of Mr. Genet, opposed them, and they 
were not put in execution. 

These proceedings were immediately reported to the 
President on his return to the seat of government. 
Mr. Jefferson had then retired, indisposed, to his coun- 
try house, and the President wrote him as follows : 

" What is to be done in the case of the Little Sa- 
rah, now at Chester .'' Is the Minister of the French 
Republick to set the acts of this government at defi- 
ance with impunity ? And threaten the Executive with 
an appeal to the people .'' What must the world think 
of such conduct .' And of the United States in sub- 
mitting to it ? 

" These are serious questions. Circumstances press 
for decision ; and as you have had time to consider 
them, upon me they come unexpectedly, I wish to 
know your opinion upon them even before to-morrow, 
for the vessel may then be gone." 

In answer to this letter, the Secretary of State in- 
formed the President, that Mr. Genet had assured him 
that the vessel should not sail before the decision of 
the Executive respecting it should be known ; and co- 
ercive measures were therefore suspended. In Coun- 
cil, next day, it was determined to detain the armed 
vessels of belligerents in port. This determi-nation 
was made known to Genet, but in contempt of it the 
privateer sailed. The opposition applauded even this 
act of rcsislaiice in the French Minii<ter. The un- 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOiN. 131 

wearied evideavour of the Administration, by a faithful 
observance of treaties, and an impartial treatment to- 
wards belligerent powers, to secure the blessings of 
peace, and the rights of neutrality to the United States, 
was construed into a violation of those treaties, and 
into an insidious scheme to force the country into a 
war against France. 

The French Minister persisted in his exposition of 
the treaty, and in repeated letters, written in abusive 
and insulting language, to the Secretary of State, de- 
manded reparaticm of injuries his country had sus- 
tained. 

The President was at length convinced of the ne- 
cessity of takhig effectual measures with Genet, and 
on the 25th of July he wrote the following letter to 
Mr. Jefferson. 

*' As the official conduct of Mr. Genet, relatively to 
the affairs of tliis government, will have to undergo a 
very serious consideration, so soon as the special court 
at which the Attorney General is now engaged, wi.l 
allow him to attend with convenience, in order to de- 
cide upon measures proper to be taken thereupon, it 
is my dcaire that all the letters to and from that Minis- 
ter may be ready to be laid before me, the Heads of 
Departments, and the Attorney General, whom 1 shall 
advise with on the occasion, together with the minutes 
of such oral communications as you may have had 
with him on the subject of these letters, &c. And as 
the memorials from the British Minister, and answers 
thereto, are materially connected therewith, it will bo 
proper, I conceive, to have these ready also." 

The Executive proceeded with the unanimous con- 
sent of the Cabinet, to establish a system by which to 
regulate the intercourse with nations at war. The 
rules adopted give evidence of the unalterable purpose 
of the President, sacredly to observe all national en- 
gagements, and honestly to perform every duty due tc 
belligerent powers ; and they manifest a determina 



132 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7, 

tion to Insist on the uninterrupted exercise of tho 
rights of neutrahty for his own country. It was also 
pgreed that prizes brought into American ports, by 
privateers equipped in them, should be restored, or 
compensation be made for them, and that armed vessels 
of this description should not be permitted to remain 
in American harbours. 

These regulations were communicated to the Minis 
ters of the belligerent nations, and in the same letter, 
the privileges stipulated by treaty for France were 
stated, and a solicitude was expressed for their se- 
curity. 

After deliberate attention to the conduct and corre- 
spondence of the French Minister, it was agreed that 
a letter should be written to Mr. Morris, American 
Minister at Paris, stating the reasons on which the 
measures of the Administration with belligerent na- 
tions were founded, giving information of the disa- 
greement of Mr. Genet with the government, and re- 
questing his recall. The communication to the French 
government on this subject concluded in the follow- 
ing manner. " After independence and self govern- 
ment, there was nothing America more sincerely 
wished than perpetual friendship with them." 

The threat of Mr. Genet to appeal from the Presi- 
dent to tho people being reported on most respectable 
authority, made a deep impression on the publick mind. 
That portion of the American people, which were 
originall}' in favour of adopting the National Constitu- 
tion of government generally approved the measures 
of the Administration ; and although they thought 
favourably of the revolution of France, and wished 
well to our cause, yet they were indignant at the insult 
offered by her minister to the Chief Magistrate of tho 
United States. The appeal having been made to them, 
they felt themselves constrained by every feeling of 
patriotism to support their own government in mea- 
sures tliey deemed to be fair, just, and impartial In 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 133 

every pari of the United States, the people iissenibled 
in their towns and districts, to express their opinions 
on publick measures. Tlie contest was warm, but the 
great majority of voices was found on the side of the 
Administration, its measures were approved ; and it 
fully appeared that the affection and confidence of the 
American people in the President, existed in their 
force and efficacy. Yet at the moment that publick 
indignation was expressed at the attempt to exercise 
a foreign influence over the American councils, it was 
evident that those who expressed it, felt a strong par- 
tiality in favour of France in her contention with Eng- 
land. 

In the spirit of conciliation, General Washington 
determined not to take violent measures with Genet, 
until the result of the complaint lodged against him 
with his own government, should be known, and with 
magnanimity he bore his abuses. But at length, pa- 
tience and forbearance were exhausted. 

In 1794 the French Minister deliberately planned 
two expeditions against Spain, to be carried on from 
the United States, and granted commissions to Ame- 
rican citizens to be officers in them, who privately en- 
listed men for the purpose. The conquest of the Flo- 
ridas was the object of one of these expeditions, and 
Georgia was the place of rendezvous for the troops 
destined to this service. The other was designed for 
the invasion of Louisiana, and was to be prosecuted 
from Kentucky down the Ohio and Mississippi. The 
arrangements were all made ; but before the plan was 
ripe for execution, the government interposed, and 
some of the principal agents were arrested. No go- 
vernment, the President conceived, which had any 
pretentions to independence, could subn.it to insults 
of this nature. 

Having coresultcd with the Vice President, the Heada 
of Departments, and other leading characters in the 
government, he determined to suspend the ministerial 

Vol. II. 12 



L 



134 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7 

functions, and to confine the person of Genet. Mes- 
sages to the two houses of the Legislature on this sub 
ject were prepared, and orders were given to the Mar 
shal to take the French Minister into custody. But 
the evening pr seeding the day on which these orderp 
were to have been carried into execution, official let 
ters from Mr. Morris informed the President, that Mr. 
Genet was recalled, v.'hich prevented the necessity of 
carrying the measure to extremity. One instance 
among mary, of the independence, the firmness, and 
the good fortune of President Washington. 

Mr. Fauchet, the successor of Mr. Genet, brought 
assurances that his government disapproved of the 
conduct of his predecessor, and made warm declara 
tions of his own disposition to consult the peace and 
honour of the government of the United States, and 
his practices for a time corresponded with his lan- 
guage. 

About this period, the Executive of the French go- 
vernment made known to the President their wishes 
that Mr. Morris might be recalled. He immediately 
complied with their request, and nominated Colonel 
Monroe of Virginia as his successo*-. an appointment 
peculiarly pleasing to the friends of r .aiue. 

The task of the Executive was rendered still more 
delicate, arduous, and difficult, by the conduct of Great 
Britain. 

The Court of London had declined a treaty with 
Congress under the old Confederation. At the com- 
mencement of the Federal Government, the Adminis- 
tration was disposed to negotiate with Great Britain 
without committing the honour of the nation. Mr. 
Gouverneur Morris, who was in England on private 
business, was directed to open an informal conference 
with members of the British Cabinet on the subject of 
American affiiirs. With much address he executed 
this commission but to little purpose. He informeu 
the President, that the Duke of Leeds and Mr. Pitt 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 135 

manifested a disposition to live on terms of amity and 
friendship with the United States ; but discovered no 
inclination to enter into a commercial treaty with 
them ; that they complained of the neglect of tho 
American government to execute the stipulations of 
the treaty of peace, for which neglect they justified 
their retention of the Western Posts. 

In this situation the French revolution found Great 
Britain and tlie United States. At the commence- 
irjent of the war between France and England, various 
circumstances indicated the probability that America 
would be brought into the contention against Britain. 

The warm and animated expressions of fraternity 
made by the American people towards France ; tho 
festivals in celebration of French victories, and the 
manifest partiality which many discovered for her in 
the management of tlie war, probably led the British 
Cabinet to think that the United States were disposed 
to become parties in the war, and induced them to 
adopt measures to meet this hostile spirit. On the 
other hand, the unfriendly indications of the English 
Court, and the impressments of American seamen 
in the British ports, in addition to the common vexa- 
tion of neutrals on the high seas, and the attempt to 
starve France by carrying American provision vessels 
into English ports, was so much fuel to feed tha pas- 
sions of the Americans already in a blaze. 

In this state of national affairs, the President met 
Congress on the 4th of December, 1793 In the speech 
delivered on this interesting occasion, he thus noticed 
his re-election to the Presidency. 

" Since the commeicement of the term for which 1 
have been again called into office, no fit occasion has 
arisen for expressing to my fellow citizens at large the 
deep and respectful sense which I feel of the renewed 
testimony of publick approbation. While on the ono 
hand, it awakened my gratitude, for all those instances 
of affectionate partiality with which I have been 



13G LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179;V7. 

honoured by my country ; on the other, it could not 
prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from 
which no private consideration should ever have torn 
me. But influenced by the belief that my conduct 
would be estimated according to its real motives, and 
that the people, and the authorities derived from them, 
would support exertions, having notliing personal for 
their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which com- 
manded nie to resume the executive power ; and I 
humbly implore that Being on whose will the fate of 
nations depends, to crown with success our mutual 
endeavours for the general happiness." 

He then made the following communications re- 
specting the measures of the Administration. 

" As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those 
powers with whom tlie United States have the most 
extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend 
that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, 
and our disposition for peace drawn in question by 
suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations. 
It seemed" therefore to be my duty to admonish our 
citizens of the consequence of a contraband trade, 
and of hostile acts to any of the parties ; and to obtain 
by a declaration of the existing state of things an 
easier admission of our rights to the immunities be- 
longing to our situation. Under these impressions the 
Proclamation was issued. 

" In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I 
resolved to adopt general rules, which should conform 
to the treaties, and assert the privileges of the United 
States. These were reduced into a system, which 
shall be communicated to you." 

After noticing those legislative provisions which his 
experience dictated as necessary, he proceeded : 

" I cannot recommend to your notice, measures for 
the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, 
without again pressing upon you the necessity of plac- 
ing yourselves in a situation of complete defence, and 



179:3-?;] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 137 

of exacting from tlicm, the fulfilment of their duties 
towards us. The United States ought not to indulge 
a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human 
events^ they will for ever keep at a distance those pain- 
jul appeals to arms, with which the history of every 
other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the 
United States among nations, which will be withheld, 
if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. 
If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel 
it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most pow- 
erful instruments of our prosperity, it must be known 
that we are, at all times, ready for war." 

After advisiikg the greatest appropriations for the 
redemption of the pubUck debt, which the resources cf 
the countiy would permit, he in the following manner 
concluded the address. 

" The several subjects to which I have now referred 
open a wide range to your deliberations, and involve 
some of the choicest interests of our common country. 
Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magni- 
tude of your task. Without an unprejudiced coolness, 
the welfare of tlie government mav be hazarded ; 
without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of 
sentiment, its dignity may be lost. But as the legis- 
lative proceedings of the United States will never, 1 
trust, be reproached for the want of temper, or of can- 
dour, so shall not the publick happiness languish from 
the want of my strenuous and warmest co-operations." 

The party in the United States, opposed to the ge- 
neral system on which tne Federal Government had 
been administered, by assojiating the cause of France 
with their own, had increased their members in the 
present Congress ; but they were not prepared to at- 
tack either the discernment or the patriotism of tiie 
President. The House of Representatives, in their 
answer, thus noticed the unanimous suffrage, by which 
General Washington had, a second time, been elected 
to the Presidency. 

* 12* 



138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. 

" It was with equal sincerity and promptitude they 
embraced the occasion for expressing to him their con- 
gratulations on so distinguished a testimony of publick 
approbation, and their entire confidence in the purity 
and patriotism of the motives which had produced this 
obedience to the voice of his country. It is to virtues 
that have commanded long and universal reverence, 
and services from which have flowed great and lasting 
benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid without 
the reproach of flattery ; and it is from the same sources 
that the fairest anticipations may be derived in favour 
of publick happiness." The proclamation of neutra- 
lity was in a cautious manner approved, and a disposi- 
tion was expressed to support the Executive. 

The answer of the Senate breathed unreserved af 
fectiou and confidence. Pceferring to the second elec- 
tion of the President, they observed, '' In the unani- 
mity which a second time marks this important national 
act, we trace with particular satisfaction, besides the 
distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abilities, 
which it recognises, another proof of that just discern- 
ment, and constanc}'^ of sentiments and views, which 
have hitherto characterized the citizens of the United 
States." They declared the Proclamation to be '' a 
measure well timed and wise, manifesting a watchful 
solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated 
to promote it." 

At the close of this year, Mr. Jefferson resigned his 
Secretaryship, and was succeeded by Mr. E. Ran- 
dolph ; and Mr. William Bradford was appointed At 
tomey General. 

After a very animated debate, January, 1794, a bill 
passed Congress by a very small majority, to build six 
frigates, and it received the cordial assent of the Exe- 
cutive. This was the commencement of the Ameri 
can navy. 

In November 1793 the British government had given 
instructions to her ships to detain all vessels ladeii with 



1793-7] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 130 

goods, the produce of any colony belonging to France, 
or carrying provisions, or other supplies to those colo- 
nies, and bring them into English ports for adjudica- 
tion. 

These instructions were thought, by reflecting men 
in America, to be proof of a hostile spirit in the Bri- 
tish Cabinet towards the United States, and Congress 
deemed it expedient to be prepared to meet the proba- 
ble event of war. They accordingly laid an embargo 
fo: the term of thirty days, and witli great unanimity 
adopted provisional measures of self defence. 

While these measures were in train, the President 
on the 4th of April, 1794, transmitted to Congress a 
letter from Mr. Pinckney, who had been appointed 
Minister at the Court of London, which contained in- 
formation, that the orders of November were revoked, 
and instructions given to cruizers to bring in for adju- 
dications only those neutral vessels which were laden 
with the produce of French Islands on a direct voyage 
from those islands to Europe ; and gave tlie substance 
of a conversation between Lord Grenville and Mr. 
Pinckney in which his Lordship more satisfactorily ex- 
plained the instructions of November ; and manifested 
a disposition to cultivate peace and amity with the 
United States. 

This communication made a deep impression on the 
Federal members of Congress. They thought that a 
door was opened for negotiation, and that war might 
probably be avoided. 

The opposition members and the partisans of France, 
alarmed by these symptoms of moderation, redoubled 
their attack upon England, and upon all, who were 
disposed to cultivate friendship with her. Newspapers 
were filled with invectives of this nature, and every 
epithet of vileness and calumny was made use of to 
inflame the publick mind, and increase the hostility of 
the nation against Great Britain. The majority of 
Congress discovered a disposition to proceed in their 



UO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7 

military preparations, in which the sentiment of the 
eominunity seemed to support them, and general ap- 
pearances still indicated approaching hostilities. 

The President foresaw the evils that must be intro- 
duced by a war with Great Britain, in the distemper- 
ed state of the publick mind. He knew that sne com- 
manded the Ocean, that she presented the best mar- 
kets for the exports of the United States, and furnish- 
ed, on the easiest terms, those manufactures which 
were necessary to his countrymen. He perceived 
that the devotion of the people to France w^ouid throw 
the United States into her arms, and that his country 
must become a mere satellite of her will. He was not 
without some apprehension, that the bloody and fero- 
cious spirit that had disgraced the French revolution, 
might be introduced into the peaceable society of 
America. 

Under these solemn impressions, he determined to 
use' his endeavours to arrest the dreaded evil, and on 
the 16th of April he nominated in the Senate an En- 
troy Extraordinary to the Court of Great Britain, and 
for the following reasons. 

'• The communications which I have made to you 
curing your present session, from the despatches of our 
Minister in London, contain a serious aspect of our 
affairs with Great Britain. But as peace ought to be 
pursued with unremitted zeal, before the last resource, 
which has so often been the scourge of nations, and 
cannot fail to check the advanced prosperity of the 
United States, is contemplated, I have thought proper 
to nominate John Jay, as Envoy Extraordinary of the 
United States to his Britannick Majesty. 

'' My confidence in our Minister Plenipotentiary in 
London continues undiminished. But a mission like 
this, while it corresponds with the solemnity of the 
occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for 
the friendly adjustment of our complaints, and a re 
luctanco to hostility. Going immediately from the 



1793-7] LIFE OF WASHL\GTON. 141 

United States, such an Envoy will carry with him a 
full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility 
of our country ; and will tlius be taught to vindicate 
our rights with firmness, and to cultivate peace with 
sincerity." 

To a considerable part of Congress, and to a .brge 
portion of the American people, this decisive act was 
unexpected and displeasing ; and it was adopted in full 
view of the obloquy and abuse of which it would be 
the occasion. 

A motion made to stay the proceedings against 
Great Britain, on account of the pending negotiation 
was overruled in the House of Representatives ; and 
a bill prohibiting commercial intercourse with her 
carried by a considerable majority ; which was lost in 
the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice President. 

The authority of the Executive to issue the pro- 
clamation of neutrality had by many been douhted ; 
his power to call out the militia to prevent the sailing 
of privateers, which had violated Jiis rules, denied ; 
and the American citizens, who had been prosecuted 
for engaging in expeditions against the nations at v/ar, 
had been acquitted by a jury of trials. The President 
therefore, although entertaining himself no doubt 
about his constitutional authority, was desirous to ob- 
tain the sanction of Congress for the system he had 
adopted to preserve the peace of the country. 

At the commencement of the session, he intimated 
to the National Legislature the propriety of the mea- 
sure, and in pursuance of his advice, the Senate intro- 
duced a bill, prohibiting within the United States the 
exercise, by Foreign Ministers, of those acts of sove- 
reignty which Genet claimed, and subjecting to fine 
and imprisonment those who should be guilty of any 
of the acts towards the belligerent nations, which the 
Executive had forbidden. This bill, necessary as it 
was to the honour and peace of the nation, was oppos- 
ed by the whole force of the Antifederalists, and finally 



J4a LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7 

passed tho Senate by the casting vote of the Vice Pre- 
sident. 

On the .0th of June, 1794, the session of Congress, 
which had been active and stormy, closed. 

In the course of this year, the President was called 
to an important, but painful duty in administering tho 
domestick concerns of the government. 

Under the last Presidency an act had passed, laying 
a duty on spirits distilled witliin the United States. 

To the inhabitants in the Western Counties of Penn- 
sylvania this was highly offensive. The whole district 
had been from the beginning, hostile to the Federal 
Constitution. They had with acrimony opposed its 
adoption, and were in opposition to all the measures 
of the Administration. Emboldened by the hoarse and 
loud clamours of their party, they absolutely refused 
compliance with the law. The President with anxiety 
saw this combination, but waited in the expectation 
that the quiet submission to the act in other parts of 
the Union, would induce the people of this district to 
yield obedience. In the mean time he recommended 
to Congress to modify the act in such a manner as to 
remove every reasonable objection. Accordingly in 
May, 1792, the National Legislature took up the sub- 
ject, and made such alterations in the act, as experi- 
ence dictated would be salutary. This revision did 
not conciliate the insurgents. The officers, who at- 
tempted to collect the duty, were violently opposed. 
In County and District Conventions, a systematick 
opposition was planned ; and banishment from the cir- 
cle of good neighbourhood, and from all the benefits 
and pleasures of social intercourse, was denounced 
against all who should aid the publick officers ; and 
the officers themselves were threatened with every per- 
sonal outrage, should they persist in the endeavour to 
execute the duties of their office. 

Knowing the importance of breaking t-his daring 
eombination, the President issued a Proclamation, ad- 



1791] LIFE or WASHINGTON. 142 

monishitig all persons to desist from proceedings de- 
signed lo obstruct the execution of the laws, requiring 
the interposition of magistrates in support of govern- 
ment, and directing the prosecution of ojffenders. 

The Proclamation not producing the desired effect, 
he endeavoured to prevent the necessity of having re- 
course to a military force, by making it the interest of 
tlr.e distillers to pay the duty. 

Prosecutions were instituted against delinquents, 
•7here they could be sustained, the spirits distilled in 
' he courlties opposing the law were ordered to be seiz- 
ed on their way to market, by the officers of the reve- 
nue, and the contracters for the army were directed 
.o purchase only the spirits, on which the duties had 
been paid. But whatever were the wishes of the dis- 
lillers, the fear of an infuriated populace prevented a 
compliance with these orders ; and the insurgents 
took encouragement from the lenity of the Executive, 
in the expectation of ultimate success. By violent 
threats they deterred the Marshal from the service of 
his precepts, committed numerous outrages upon the 
friends of government, and organized themselves into 
military bands to resist any force that might be sent 
to subject them to the laws. 

The President had for three years patiently waited 
the effect of conciliatory measures, but these had only 
rendered the opposition more desperate. He therefore 
had only to choose between the alternative of permit- 
ting the prostration of the government, or to call oul 
its force in support of the laws. 

The subject in all its momentous consequences 
was laid before the Cabinet, and General Mifflin, the 
Governour of Pennsylvania, was on this occasion call- 
ed into the Council. Their unanimous desire was to 
avoid, if possible, the coertion of the military, and 
they therefore advised, that Commissioners should be 
sent to the insurgents to warn them of their danger, 
and to offer a pardon of past offences, on condition of 



144 LIFE OF VVASHINGTO.N, [171)4. 

future obedience to the laws. It was also advised 
that a proclamation should be issued in conformity to 
the act of Congress, conunanding the insurgents to 
disperse by a given day. But in respect to ultimate 
operations, there was not an unanimity of opinion. 
The Governour of Pennsylvania thought that the mi- 
litia of that state would be insufficient to suppress the 
insurrection, and appeared apprehensive of danger 
from the attempt to call out the power of government. 
Mr. Randolph, Secretary of State, expressed his fears 
on account of the numbers and strength of the insur- 
gents. He doubted whether the militia would obey 
the ordera of the Executive, and march to suppress by 
force of arms this combination ; if they should, ho 
doubted the success of the expedition, and foreboded 
civil war in all its horrours as the consequence of a 
failure. 

The Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of 
War, and the Attorney General, were of opinion, that 
the President was bound by the most sacred obliga- 
tions, to use the means placed at his disposal, faithfully 
to execute the law. They therefore advised him to 
try the power of the government to coerce submis- 
sion ; and from policy and humanity to march a force 
into the insurgent counties, too strong to be resisted. 

The President did not hesitate to do his duty. 
Without exerting the means of prevention in his pow- 
er, he could not see the laws prostrated, and the au- 
thority of the United States defied. 

On the 7th of August, he issued the Proclamation 
which the law made a prerequisite to the employment 
of force. In it he gave a recapitulation of the mea- 
Bures of Government, and of the opposition of the in- 
surgents, and thus proceeded, " Whereas it was in his 
judgment necessary, under the circumstances of the 
case, to take measures for calling forth the militia in 
order to suppress the combinations aforesaid, and to 
cauFe the laws to be duly executed, and he had accord 



I7D4.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 146 

ingly determined so to do ; feeling the deepest re- 
gret for the occasion, but withal the most solemn con- 
viction that the essential interests of the Union de 
manded it ; that the very existence of government, 
and the fundamental principles of social order were 
involved in the issue ; and that the patriotism and 
firmness of all good citizens were seriously called upon 
to aid in the suppression of so fatal a spirit." The 
Proclamation closed by ordering all insurgents, and all 
other persons whom it might concern, on or before the 
first day of the ensuing September, to disperse and 
retire to their respective homes. Orders were on the 
same day issued to the Governours of New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, for their re- 
spective quotas of twelve thousand men, which at a 
subsequent period was increased to fifteen thousand, 
who were to be held in readiness to march at a mi 
nute's warning. 

Reluctant to draw the sword upon his fellow citi 
zens, the President at this awful crisis determined to 
make one more attempt to reclaim by mild entreaty 
his deluded countrymen. The Attorney General, 
Judge Yates, and Mr. Ross, were commissioned to 
bear to the insurgents a general amnesty for ail pasl 
crimes, on condiiion of future obedience ; but the cle- 
mency of the government was again spurned, and its 
power disregarded. 

The insurgents, forming an opinion from the lan- 
guage of democratick societies, and from the publica- 
tions in antifederal newspa;^ers, seem to have enter- 
tained the supposition that their disaffection was ge- 
nerally felt by the citizens of the United States, and 
that the attempt to suppress them would issue in a 
revolution of tiie government. 

That the Executive of Pennsylvania might act in 
unison with the National Administration, Governour 
Mifflin had also issued a Proclamation, and appointed 
commissioners to join those of the nation. 

Vol. II. 13 



146 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1794 

The faction opposed to government insidiously at^ 
tempted to obstruct the execution of the orders of the 
President, but without effect ; the community express- 
ed unequivocally the determination to support the 
government, and to execute the laws. The personal 
influence of Governour Mifflin surmounted the obstruc- 
tions which arose from the insufficiency of the militia 
taws of Pennsylvania ; the oflVders and men of the re- 
spective States obeyed the summons with an alacrity 
that exceeded the expectation of the most sanguine , 
and the required nuinber of troops was seasonably in 
readiness to obey the orders of the Commander in 
Chief 

The command of the expedition was given to Go 
vernour Lee of Virginia, and the Governours of Penn 
sylvania and New-Jersey commanded the militia of 
their respective states under him. This force movert 
into the insurgent counties and bore down all opposi- 
tion. Thus by the vigour and prudence of the Exe • 
cutive, this formidable and alarming insurrection was, 
without the sacrifice of a life, subdued. 

The President attributed this insurrection in a great 
degree to the influence of the democratick societies. 
This opinion he expressed in his private letters, and 
in his publick communications to the Legislature. In 
a letter to Mr. Jay, he observed, 

*•' That the self-created societies, who have spread 
themselves over this country, have been labouring in- 
cessantly to sow the seeds of distrust, jealousy, and 
of course discontent, hoping thereby to effect some re- 
volution in the gov:;rnment, is not unknown to you. 
That they have been the fomenters of the western dis- 
turbances, admits of no doubt in the mind of any one 
who will examine their conduct. But, fortunately 
they have precipitated a crisis for which they were 
not prepared ; and thereby have unfolded views which 
will, I trust, effect their annihilation sooner, than it 
might have happened." 



1794.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 147 

General Washington had the firmness aii<l inde- 
pendencf! to denounce these societies to the National 
Legislature, and to lend Iiis personal influence to 
counteract their designs, thereby bringing upon him 
self their resentment. 

In his official address to Congress, on the 19th of 
November, he, as a channel of publick information, 
narrated the rise, progress, and issue of the insurrec 
tion, passed a merited encomium on the patriotism of 
those who had \vith alacrity exerted themselves to 
suppress it, and proceeded to observe : 

" To every description of citizens, let praise be giv 
en. But let them persevere in their affectionate vigi- 
lance over that precious depository of American happi- 
ness, the Constitution of the United States. And 
when in the calm moments of reflection, they shall 
have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrec- 
tion, let them determine whether it has not been fo- 
mented by combinations of men, who, careless of con- 
sequences and disregarding the unerring truth, that 
those who rouse, cannot always appease a civil con- 
vulsion, have disseminated, from an ignorance or per- 
version of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusa- 
tions of the whole government." He, on this occasion, 
renewedly recommended to the Legislature the orga- 
nization of the militia, and made such other commu- 
nications as the state of the country rendered expedi- 
ent. 

In their answer to this address, the Senate said, 
" Our anxiety arising from the licentious and open re- 
sistance to the laws in the Western Counties of Penn- 
eylvania, has been increased by the proceedings of 
certain self-created societies relative to the laws and 
Administrations of the government ; proceedings, in 
our apprehensions, founded in political errour, calcu- 
lated, if not intended, to disorganize our government, 
and v/hich, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, 



143 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795 

have been instrumental in misleading our fellow citi 
zens in the scene of insurrection." 

They expressed an unqualified approbation of the 
measures adopted by the Executive to suppress the 
insurrection, and concluded in the following manner. 
*' At a period so momentous in the affairs of nations, 
the temperate, just, and firm policy that you have pur 
sued in respect to foreign powers, has been eminently 
calculated to promote the great and essential interest 
of our country, and has created the fairest title w.o the 
publick gratitude and thanks." 

The House of Representatives was not thus cordial 
And approbatory in their answer to the Speech of the 
President. 

After much debate, they omitted to notice the con- 
duct of the Executive with foreign powers, and tliey 
made no reply to his observations on self-created so- 
cieties. In other points, the answer was respectful. 

On the last of January 1795, Mr. Hamilton resigned 
his place as Secretary of tlie Treasury, and was suc- 
ceeded by Mr. Oliver Wolcott. And soon after Gene- 
ral Knox resigned the Secretaryship of War, and was 
succeeded by Colonel T. Pickering. 

While these events were taking place in America, 
Judge Jay was executing a commission in England 
highly important to his country. 

From the moment that he was admitted to a confer- 
ence with the British Cabinet, he with the ardour of a 
patriot, and the ability of a statesman, devoted himself 
to the business of his mission. While decorous in his 
behaviour towards 'he British crown, he maintained 
the respectability of his own character, and supported 
the honour of the United States. Persua-ded that war 
would be the consequence of a failure of his negotia 
tion, he patiently attended to the investigation of the 
subject in controversy, and finally agreed with Lord 
Greenville upon a treaty between the two countries. 



I 



I 



1795.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 149 

In a letter to the President, he declared this to be the 
best it was possible to obtain, and added, " I ought not 
to conceal from you, that the confidence reposed in 
your personal character was visible and useful 
throughout the negotiation." 

On the 8th of June, the President submitted the 
treaty, with the documents which attended it, to the 
deliberation of the Senate, that they might " in their 
wisdom decide whether they would advise and consent 
that it should be ratified." 

After deliberate investigation, the Senate, by exact- 
ly two thirds of their numbers, the constitutional ma- 
jority advised to its ratification, with somu qualifica- 
tion of the 12th Article. 

Great exertion had been made by the party that 
opposed the mission of Mr. Jay, to keep alive the 
spirit of hostility to Great Britain. The secrecy ob- 
served in the negotiation was pointedly reprobated as 
a violation of the first principles of a Republican Go- 
vernment, and every circumstance that transpired re 
specting it, was used as a means to excite odium 
against the negotiation, and prejudice against the trea 
ty. While the train was laying to enkindle a publick 
flame, word was received through a credible channel 
that the British Court had renewed the orders to their 
cruisers to detain provision vessels bourwi to Fr'^nch 
ports. Although the President had previously deter- 
mined t) ratify the treaty, yet on this information, he 
ordered a strong remonstrance to be drawn against 
those orders, and suggested to his Cabinet the proprie 
ty of suspending the exchange of the ratified treaty, 
upon their revocation. 

In this stage of the business, he was called to Mount 
Vernon. 

During his absence, and while the publick mind was 

in a state of irritation, a Senator in Congress from 

Virginia, violating tlie decorum ard the rules of the 

Senate, sent an incorrect codv of th l treaty to thj 

13* 



150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 

Editor of i democratick paper, and through the press 
it was immediately communicated to the publick. If 
the attempts to negotiate were represented as incon- 
sistent witli the honour of the United States, and all 
the circumstances attending it criminated as a dere- 
liction of the interests of a sister Republick ; it can- 
not be supposed, that the instrument itself, which was 
the result of mutual concessions, and the adjustment 
of opposing national interests, should quiet the publick 
mind, subjected to the despotism of passion and pre- 
judice. Noisy and violent declamation against the 
treaty abounded in every part of the United States, 
and few were found, who, unbiassed by national inte 
rest, cooll_y and impartially decided upon its merits. 

Publick meetings were iiolJen in all the large towns, 
and intemperate addresses denouncing the treaty voted, 
which were published in the Newspapers before they 
were presented to the President. 

Pamphlets were also put into circulation, written 
with ingenuity and calculated to increase the preju- 
dices against this national transaction, on the pretence 
that it was a sacrifice of the interests of France in fa 
vour of Great Britain. 

These violent movements deeply affected the Presi- 
dent, but they did not change his determination. His 
letters, and the general tenour of his conduct at this 
period, discover the firmness and independence with 
which he was prepared to resist every attempt unsuit- 
ably to bias the Executive. His greatest apprehen- 
sions on this occasion were, that France would avail 
herself of these popular commotions, either to force the 
government of the United States into her measures, or 
to embarrass the execution of the treaty, and to render 
its stipulations in favour of American commerce inef- 
fectual. In a letter of the 29th of July written to the 
Secretary of State, aftermentioning that the state of the 
country required the utmost circumspection, he added : 

"I have never since I have bean in the administration 



1795.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 151 

vf the government, seen a crisis which, in my opinion, 
has been so pregnant with interesting events, nor one 
from which more is to be apprehended, whetherviewed 
on the one side or the other. From New-York there 
is, and I am toki will further be, a counter current; 
but how formidable it may appear, I know not. If the 
same does not take place at Boston and other towns, 
it will afford but too strong evidence that the opposi- 
tion is in a manner universal, and would make the 
ratification a very serious business indeed. But as it 
respects the French, even counter resolutions would, 
for the reasons I have already mentioned, do little 
more than weaken, in a small degree, the effect the 
other side would have." In a letter to the Secretary, 
of the 31st of July, having mentioned his determina- 
tion to return to Philadelphia, and stated the firmness 
and wisdom necessary to meet the crisis, he proceeded, 
" There is too much reason to believe, from the pains 
that have been taken before, at, and since the advice 
of the Senate respecting the treaty, that the prejudices 
against it are more extensive than is generally ima- 
gined. How should it be otherwise, when no stone 
has been left unturned that could impress on the mindj 
of the people the most errant misrepresentation of 
facts ; that their rights have not only been neglected, 
but absolutely sold ; that there are no reciprocal ad- 
vantages in the treaty ; that the benefits are all on 
the side of Great Britain ; and what seems to have 
had more weight with them than all the rest, and has 
been most pressed ; that the treaty is made with the 
design to oppress the French Republick, in open vio- 
lation of c'-.r treaty with that nation, and contrary too 
to every principle of gratitude and sound policy. In 
time, when passion shall have yielded to sober reason, 
the current may possibly turn ; but, in the mean while, 
this government in relation to France and England 
may be compared to a ship between Scylla and Charyb- 
dis. If the treaty is ratified, the partisans of the 



152 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 

French, or rather of war and confusion, will excite 
them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sen- 
timents ; if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the con- 
sequences that may follow as it respects Great Britain. 

'' It is not to be inferred from hence, that I am, or 
shall be disposed to quit the ground I have taken, un- 
less circumstances more imperious than have yet come 
to my knowledge, should compel it ; for there is but 
one straight course, and that is to seek truth, and to 
pursue it steadily. But these things are mentioned to 
show that a close investigation of the subject is more 
than ever necessary. Every step should be explored 
before it is taken, and every word weighed before it is 
uttered or delivered in writing." In a subsequent 
letter, in which he mentioned the increasing hostility 
to the treaty, he added, " All these things do not shake 
my determination with respect to the proposed ratifi- 
cation; nor will they, unless something more imperious 
and unknown to me should, in the opinion of yourself 
and the gentlem.an with you, make it adviseable for me 
to pause.'' 

On the 11th of August, the President arrived at 
Philadelphia, and on the next day he brought before 
the Cabinet the question respecting the immediate 
ratification of the treaty. The Secretary of State ad- 
vised to the postponement of this measure, until the 
orders of the British should be revoked. The other 
members of the Cabinet voted for an immediate ratifi- 
cation with a strong memorial against those orders. 
Wit-i this advice the President closed. The orders 
were recalled, and the ratifications of the treaty ex- 
changed. 

The President was probably led to this immediate 
ratification of the treaty by the popular violence, which 
was raised against it in every part of the United States. 
He conceived that it was necessary, either at once to 
arrest its progress, or ultimately to yield to its force. 
The event proved the soundness of his judgment and 



1795.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 

the influence of his character. Violent opposition 
ceased. Reflection and experience convinced discern- 
ing men, that the treaty was a wise and salutary 
measure. 

On the 19th of August 171^5, Mr. Randolph resigned 
his office as Secretary of State. He had been strongly 
suspected of breach of trust, and of h?ving committed 
the honour and interest of his country in his commu- 
nications with the French Minister. To enable him, 
as he affirmed, to vindicate himself, he requested the 
sight of a confidential letter, which the President had 
written to him, and which he had left in the office. 
His avowed purpose was to publish this, with other 
documents, to show that he had been disgraced on ac- 
count of his attachment to France and liberty. " 1 
have directed," replied the President, " that you should 
have the inspection of my letter of the 22d of July, 
agreeably to your request ; and you are at full liberty 
to publish without reserve any or every private and 
confidential letter I ever wrote you ; nay more, every 
word 1 ever uttered to you or in your presence, from 
whence you can derive any advantage in your vindica- 
tion." Happy the ruler, who in the consciousness of 
the purity of his intentions can, in times of political 
agitation, thus address a suspected member of his 
Council, who had been admitted to his unlimited con- 
fidence. 

Colonel Pickering was removed to the departmert 
of State, and Mr. M'Henry appointed Secretary of 
War. By the death of Mr. Bradford, the office of 
Attorney General became vacant, which was soon 
filled by Mr. Lee of Virginia. 

In the Autumn of 1795 a treaty was negotiated 
through the agency of Colonel Humphreys with the 
the Regency of Algiers, by which a number of Ame- 
rican citizens, who had been enslaved, were liberated. 

On opening the first session of the fourth Congress, 
Dec. 1795, the President congratulated the two Houses 



L 



154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1795. 

on tJie prosperity of the natioii. *' I trust," said he, 
" 1 do not deceive myself while I indulge the persua- 
sion that I have never met you at any period, when, 
more than at the present, the situation of our publick 
affairs has afforded just erase for mutual congratula- 
tion ; and for inviting you to join with me in profound 
gratitude to the author of all good for the numerous 
and extraordinary blessings we enjoy." Then making 
a brief statement of the situation of the United States 
in their foreign relations, he thus proceeded. 

'• This interesting summary of our affairs, with re- 
gard to the powers between whom and the United 
States, controversies have subsisted ; and with regard 
also to our Indian neighbours with whom we have been 
in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a 
wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. If 
by prudence and moderation on every side, the ex- 
tinguishment of all the causes of external discrrd 
which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on 
terms compatible with our national faith and honour, 
shall be the happy result, how firm and how precious 
a foundation will have been laid for fxcelerating, ma- 
turing, and establishing the prosperity of our country." 

Recommending a number of national objects, to 
the attent'on of the Legislature, the speech was con- 
cluded in the following manner. 

" Temperate discussion of the important subjects 
that may arise in the course of the session, and mutual 
forbearance where there is a difference in opinion, are 
too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and 
welfare of our country, to need any recommendation 
of mine." 

The answer of the Senate was in their usual cordial 
and respectful manner. 

A majority of the House of Representatives of this 
Congress was of the party opposed to the general rvd- 
ministration of the government. To this party the 
British treaty was offensive ; and their feelings on thia 



1795.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 155 

subject had an influence on their reply to the Presi- 
dent's speech. 

The Committee reported an answer, which contain- 
ed this clause : " that the confidence of his fellow 
citizens in the Chief Magistrate remained undiminish- 
ed." It was moved to strike out this clause because 
it contained an untruth. In the animated debate that 
ensued, the friends of the President supported the 
clause, and maintained with zeal, that the confidence 
of the American citizens in him had suffered no dimi 
nation ; the advocates of the motion with pertinacity^ 
averred that by a recent transaction the confidence oi 
the people in the President was diminished; and seve 
ral of the speakers declared, that their own confidenc* 
in him was lessened. 

To prevent a vote of the House to expunge the 
clause, it was moved and carried to recommit the an 
swer. In the second report, this clause was in such a 
manner modified as to pass without objection. 

Mr. Monroe reached Paris soon after the fall of Ro- 
bespierre, his reception as the American Minister was 
publick, and on the occasion, he gave the Convention 
the most positive assurances of the fervent attach- 
ment of the American people to the intex-est of France. 

The Committee of Safety of France had previously 
written to the American Congress, and the Executive 
of the Federal Government being the constituted or- 
gan of foreign intercourse, the Senate and House of 
Representatives had, by their resolves, transmitted this 
letter to the President with a request, that he would 
in a respectful answer express their friendly disposi- 
tion towards the French Republick. Accordingly the 
Secretary of State addressed two letters to the Com- 
mittee of Safety, in the name of each branch of the 
Legislature. These Mr. Monroe conveyed, and de- 
livered with his own credentials to the President of 
the Convention. 

The communications of the American Minister wero 



(56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796. 

received with expressions of high giatification, and 
the Con\ontion decreed, that the flags of France and 
America should be united, and suspended in their hall, 
as an emblem of the eternal union and friendship of 
the two Republicks. 

Colonel Monroe, to reciprocate this act of fraternity, 
requested the Convention to accept from him *.he 
American flag, as evidence of his own sensibility, and 
as a token of the satisfaction with which his country 
would improve ev^ry opportunit}' to promote the union 
of the two nations. 

Mr. Adet, the successor of Mr. Fauchet, arrived at 
Philadelphia in the summer of 1795, and brought with 
him the flag of France as a compliment from the Con- 
vention to Congress, and a letter from the Committee 
of Safety to this body. He made no mention to the 
President of this present until December, intending to 
present it directly to Congress, and to avail himself of 
ihe opportiinity to address that b<>dy. The President 
and the Heads of Departments, perceiving his inten- 
tion to make a bridge of the Executive to open a di- 
rect communication with tlie popular branch of Con- 
gress, and apprehending evil from it, with address de- 
feated the intriguing scheme. They directed, that the 
flag and the letter should be placed in the hands of the 
President, and by him presented to Congress. The 
1st of January 1796, was appointed as the time on 
which the President would receive them. Mr. Adet 
on this occasion addressed him in the impassioned lan- 
guage of his countrymen. He represented France as 
exerting herself in defence of the liberty of mankind. 
*' Assimilated to, or rather identified with free peo- 
ple by the form of her government, she saw in them," 
he observed, " only friends and brothers. Long ac- 
customed to regard the American people as her most 
faithful allies, she sought to draw closer the ties al- 
ready formed in the fields of America, under the aus- 
pices of victory, over the ruins of tjTanny." 



1796.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 

To answer this speech was a delicate task. Animat- 
ed expressions of attachment and friendship for France 
were expected ; and it was improper for the Executive 
of a neutral nation to show partiality or prejudice to- 
wards belligerent powers. 

The following was the reply of the President. 
" Born, sir, in a land of liberty ; having early learn- 
ed its value ; having engaged in a perilous conflict to 
defend it ; having, in a word, devoted the best years 
of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my 
own country ; my anxious recollections, my sympa- 
thetick feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly 
attracted, whensoever, in any country, I see an op- 
pressed nation unfurl the banners of ^reedom. But 
above all, the events of the French revolution have 
produced the deepest solicitude, as well as the highest 
admiration. To call your nation brave, were to pro- 
nounce but common praise. Wonderful people ! Ages 
to come will read with astonishment the history of 
your brilliant exploits. I rejoice that the period of 
your toils and of your immense sacrifices is approach- 
ing. I rejoice that the interesting revolutionary move 
ments of so many years have issued in the formation 
of a Constitution designed to give permanency to the 
great object for which you have contended. I rejoice 
that liberty, which you have so long embraced with 
enthusiasm — liberty, of which you have been the in- 
vincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom 
of a regularly organized government ; a government 
which, being formed to secure the happiness of the 
French people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of 
my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen 
of the United States by its resemblance to their own. 
On these glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere con 
gratulations. 

" In delivering to you these sentiments, I express 
not my own feelings only, but those of my fellow citi- 
Vc .. II. 14 



156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7 

zens in relation to the commencement, the progress, 
and the issue of the French revolution ; and they will 
certainly join with me in purest wishes to the Su- 
preme Being, that the citizens of our sister repuhlick, 
our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in peace, that 
liberty which they have purchased at sc great a price, 
and al) the happiness that liberty can bestow. 

" 1 receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol 
of the triumphs, and of the enfranchisements of your 
nation, the colours of France, which you have now 
presented to the United States. The transaction will 
be announced to Congress, and the colours will be de- 
posited with the archives of tlie United States, which 
are at once the evidence and the memorials of their 
freedom and independence ; may these be perpetual ) 
and laay the friendship of the two Republicks be com- 
mensurate with their existence." 

The address of the French Minister, the reply of the 
President, the flag of France, and the letter of the 
Committee of Safety, were all transmitted by the Pre- 
sident to Congress. 

In February 1796, the treaty was returned in the 
form recommended by the Senate, and ratified by his 
Britannick Majesty ; and on the last of that mouth, 
the President issued his Proclamation stating its ra- 
tification, and declaring it to be the law of the land. 

The predominant party in the House of Representa- 
tives expressed surprise, that this Proclamation should 
be issued before the sense of the House was taken on 
the subject ; as they denied the power of the Presi- 
dent and Senate to complete a treaty without their 
sanction. In March a resolution passed, requesting 
the President " to lay before the House a copy of the 
instructions to the Minister of the United States^ who 
negotiated the treaty with the King of Great Britain, 
communicated by his message of the first of March, 
together with the correspondence and other documentj 



1793-7.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. J 59 

relative to the said treaty : excepting such oi the said 
papers as any existing negotiation may render impro- 
per to be disclosed." 

This resolve placed the President in a situation of 
high responsibility. He knew that the majority of 
the House entertained the opinion, that a treaty was 
not valid until they had acted upon it. To oppose, in 
a government constituted like that of the United States, 
the popular branch of the Legislature would be attend- 
ed with hazard, and subject him to much censure and 
abuse ; but considerations of this nature make but 
weak impressions on a mind supremely solicitous to 
promote the publick interest. 

Upon the most mature deliberation, the President 
conceived, that to grant this request of the House, 
would establish a fnlse and dangeioas principle in the 
diplomatick transactions of the nation, and he gave the 
following answer to their reqaes>t. 

" Gentlemen of the 

HOUSE OF representatives, 

*' With the utmost attention I have considered your 
resolution of the 24th instant, requesting me to lay be- 
fore your House a copy of the instructions to tlwj Mini- 
ster of the United States, who negotiated the treaty with 
the King of Great Britain, together with f^e corre- 
spondence and other documents relative to that treaty, 
excepting such of the said papers as any existing ne- 
gotiation may render improper to be disclosed. 

" In deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible 
for me to lose sight of the principle which some have 
avowed in its discussion, or to avoid extending my 
views to the consequences which must flow from the 
admission of that principle. 

" I trust that no part of my conduct has ever indi 
cated a disposition to withhold any information which 
the Constitution has enjoined it upon the President as 
a duty to give, or which could be required of him by 
either house of Congress as a right ; and with truth J 



leO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. 

affirm, that it hvTs been, and will continue to be, while 
I have the honour to preside in the government, my 
constant endeavour to harmonize with the other branch- 
es thereof, as far as the trust delegated to me by the 
oeople of the United States, and my sense of the obli- 
gation it imposes, to preserve, protect, and defend the 
Constitution, will permit. 

" The nature of foreign negotiations require caution, 
and their success must often depend on secrecy ; and 
even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure 
of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions 
ft'hich may nave been proposed or contemplated, would 
be extremely impolitick ; for this might have a perni- 
cious influence on future negotiations, or produce im- 
mediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief 
to other persons. The necessity of such caution and 
secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power 
of making treaties in the President, with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, the principle on which that 
body was formed, confaiing it to a small number of 
members. 

" To admit then a right in the Honse of Represen- 
tatives to demand aid to have as a matter of course, 
all the papers respecting a neg>jtiation with a foreign 
power, would be to establish a dangerous precedent. 

'' It does not occur that the inspection ot the papers 
asked for, can be relative to any purpose under the 
c gnizance of the House of Re-presentatives, except 
that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not 
expressed. I repeat that I have no disposition to with- 
hold ar!y information which the duty of my station 
will permit, or the publick good shall require to be 
disclosed ; and in fact, all tho papers affecting the ne- 
gotiation with Great Britaia were laid before the Se- 
nate, when the treaty itself was communicated for their 
consideration and advice. 

" The course which the debate '.jas taken on the rc- 
dululion of the house, leads to some observations on 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161 

the mode of making treaties under the Constitution 
of the United States. 

" Having been a menibe*' of tlie General Conven- 
tion, and knowing the principles on whi'^h the Consti- 
tution was formed, I have ever entertained but one 
opinion upon this subject ; and from the first establish- 
ment of the government to this moment, my conduct 
has exemplified that opinion. That the power of mak- 
ing treaties is exclusivel}' vested in the President, by 
and w ith the consent of the Senate, provided two thirds 
of the Senators present concur ; and that every treaty 
so made, and promulgated, thenceforward becomes the 
law of the land. It is thus tliat the treaty making pow- 
er has been understood by foreign nations ; and in all 
the treaties made with them, ire have declared, and 
lheyha.ve believed, that when ratified by the President 
with the advice and consent of tlie Senate, they became 
obligatory. In this construction of tlie Constitution, 
every House of Representatives has heretofore ac- 
quiesced ; and until the present time, not a doubt or 
suspicion has appeared to my knowledge, that this con- 
struction was not the true one. Nay, they have more 
tiian acquiesced ; for until now, without controvertmg 
the obligations of such treaties, they have made all the 
requisite provisions for carrying them into effect. 

" There is also reason to believe that this construc- 
tion agrees with the opinions entertained by the State 
Conventions, wlien they were deliberating on the Con- 
stitution ; especially by those who objected to it, be- 
cause there was not required in commercial treaties, the 
consent of two thirds of the whole number of the mem- 
bers of the Senate, instead of two thirds of the Senators 
present; and because in treaties respecting territorial, 
and certain other rights and claims, the concurrence 
of three fourths of the whole number of the members 
of both iiouses respectively, was not made necessary. 

" It is a fact declared by the General Convention 
and universally understood that the Constitution of 
14* 



162 LIFE OF ^VASHINGTON. [1793-7. 

the United States was the result of a spirit of amity 
end mutual concession. And it is woll known, that 
under this influence, the smaller states were g imitted 
to an equal representation in the Senate with the larger 
states ; and that this branch of the government was 
invested with great powers ; for on the equal partici- 
pation of thosft powers, the sovereignty and political 
safety of the smaller states were deemed essentially to 
depend. 

" If other proofs than these and the plain letter of 
tlie Constitution itself be necessary to ascertain the 
point under consideration, they may be found in the 
journals of the General Convention which I have de- 
posited In the office of the Department of State. In 
these journals it will appear, that a proposition was 
made, that no treaty should be binding on the United 
States, which was not ratified by a law ; and that the 
proposition was explicitly rejected. 

" As therefore it is perfectly clear to my under- 
standing that the assent of the House of Representa- 
tives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty ; as 
the treaty with Great Britain exhibits in itself all the 
objects requiring legislative provision ; amd on these 
the papers called for can throw no light ; and as it is 
essential to the due administration of the government, 
that the boundaries fixed by the Constitution between 
the different departments should be preserved; a just 
regard to the Constitution, and to the duty of my 
office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid 
a compliance with your request." 

A resolution moved in the House to make the ne- 
cessary appropriations to carry the British treaty into 
effect excited among the members the strongest emo- 
tions of human nature, and gave rise to speeches high- 
ly argumentative, eloquent, and animated. The debato 
was protracted until the people assumed the subject 
In their respective corporations, meetings were holden, 
the strength of parties was fully tried, and it clearly 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 163 

appeared that the great majority were disposed to rally 
around tlie Executive. Innumerable petitions were 
presented to Congress praying them to make the re 
quisite appropriations. 

Unwilling to take upon themselves the consequences 
of resisting t.ie publick will, Congress made the ap 
propriations. 

It was not in the administration of the government 
only, that General Washington found it necessary to 
exercise great caution and prudence. The convulsiona 
of France and the political divisions of the United 
States, rendered it expedient that he should be circum- 
spect in his personal friendships, and in the cvercise 
of benevolent offices towards individual characters. 

A sincere friendship had been formed between him 
and the Marquis La Fayette. This friendship was 
not disturbed by those vicissitudes in France, which 
occasioned the exile and fore'gn imprisonment of that 
nobleman. These rather increased the sensibility, and 
strengthened the attachment of the President towarda 
the unfortunate Marquis. But on account of the state 
of parties in France and America, interpositions in 
his favour wero privately made. The American 
Ministers at Foreign Courts were directed in an un- 
ofhcial manner to exert themselves to obtain his Ube- 
ration, or to render his confinement less oppressive. 
A confidential agent was sent to Berlin to solicit h"s 
liberty ; but before he reached his place of de-^tination, 
the King of Prussia had surrendered the Marquis t^ 
the Emperor of G^^rmany. Mr. Pinckney, then at 
the Court of London, was directed to intimj*ce Vie 
wishes of the President to the Austrian Minister at 
ihat Court, and to solicit the influence of the British 
Cabinet in favour of the ihustrious prisoner. Disap 
pointed in the expected mediation of Great Britain, 
the President addressed the following letter imin^ 
diately to the Emperor of Germany. 



164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. 

" It will readily occur to your Majesty that occa- 
sions may sometimes exist, on whicli official considera- 
tions would constrain tlie Cnief of a nation .j be si- 
lent and passive in relation even to objects which affect 
his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a man. 
Findinj^ myself precisely in this situation at present, 
I take the Uberty of writing this private letter to your 
Majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also be 
my apology for it. 

" in common with the people of this country, I re- 
tain a strong and cordial sense of the services render- 
ed to them by the Marquis La Fayette ; and my friend- 
ship for him has been constant and sincere. It is na- 
tural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and 
his family in their misfortunes, and endeavour to miti- 
gate tiie calamities they experience, among which his 
present confinement is not the least distressing. 

" I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Per- 
mit me only to submit to your Majesty's consideration, 
whether his long imprisonment, and the confiscation 
of his estate, and the indigence and dispersion of his 
famil}', and the painful anxieties incident to all those 
circumstances, do not form an assemblage of sufferings, 
which recommend him to the mediation of humanity >* 
Allow me, sir, on this occasion, to be its organ j and to 
entreat that he may be permitted to come to this coun- 
try on such conditions, and under such restrictions as 
your Majesty may think it expedient to prescribe. 

" As it is a maxim with me not to ask, what under 
similar circumstances, I would nci grant, your Majes- 
ty will do me the justice to believe, that this request 
appears to me to correspond with those great princi- 
ples of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the ba- 
sis of sound policy and durable glory." 

This letter was sent to Mr. Pinckney, and was by 
him transmitted through the Austrian Minister to the 
Emperor. From tliis period the Marquis was treated 



I 



1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 165 

with more mildness, and was soon after discharged 
from his confinement ; but what influence the Presi- 
dent's letter had on these measures is not known. 

In 1795, George Washington Moticr La Fayette, 
the son of the Marquis La Fayette, made his escape 
from France, and arrived with his tutor at Boston. 
He immediately by letter communicated his situation 
to General Washington, and solicited his advice and 
patronage. The mother of young Fayette was then 
in France, and the President was surrounded by 
Frenchmen, the agents or friends of the administra- 
tion, which had denounced the Marquis. These men 
were ready to denounce every act of favour done to a 
man who was proscribed by the French Government. 
From recrard to the safety of that lady, and from pru- 
dential comiderations in respect to his ovn official 
character, he thought it unadviseable to invite him im- 
mediately to the seat of government; and publickly to 
espouse his-^ interest. But he wrote confidentially to a 
friend in the neighbourhood of Boston, requesting hin> 
to visit the young gentleman, to acquaint him with 
the reason which rendered it inexpedient that he 
should be invited into the President's family, and, to 
adopt the language of the letter, to " administer ah 
the consolation that he can derive from the most une 
quivocal assurances of my standing in the place, and be 
coming to hima. father, friend, protector, andsupporter 

" Considering how important it is to avoid idleness 
and dissipation — to improve his mind — and to give 
him all the advantages which education can bestow, 
my opinion and my advice to him is, (if he is qualified 
for admission) that he should enter as a student at the 
University in Cambridge ; although it should be for a 
short time only. The expense of which, as also for 
every other means for his support, I will pay ; and 
now do authorize you, my dear sir, to draw upon me 
accordingly. And if it be desired that his tutor should 
accompany him to the University, any expense that 



IGG LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1796-9. 

lie sliall incur for the purpose, shall be borne by me in 
like manner." 

The tutor of young Fayette thought he might with 
more advantage pursue his studies in private, and 
therefore he did not enter the University. 

The members of Congress, in opposition to the 
measures of the Administration, obtained the xnowl- 
edge of the arrival of a son of the Marquis x^a. Fay- 
ette in some part of America. Expecting perhaps 
that the President had maintained a cold and unfeel- 
ing reserve towards him. they instiaited an inquiry 
into his situation ; and when ihey discovered that the 
President had extended towards young Fayette the 
assistance and the protection of a friend and a father, 
they dropped the subject. 

This young gentleman remained for a short time in 
the United States; returning to France, he distin- 
guished himself in the army of Buonaparte; but the 
usual promotions have been denied him. 



CHAPTER Xlll. 



The President calumniated — His Letter to Mr. Jefferson — State- 
ment of the Secretary of the Treasury — The Frencli Directory's 
attempt to control the An.crican Government — Review of tlie 
Transactions with France — The President declares his resolMtion 
1o retire from Puhlick Life — Meets Congress for tiie last Tinie^ — 
Describes tlie Letters tiiat had been forged — Attends the Inaugu- 
ration of Mr. Adams — Retires to Mount Vernon — Tlireatening 
Attitude of France — Genaral Washington appointed Coipinarider 
in Cliicf of the American Forces — His opinion of Publick Mea- 
sures — His Indisposition and Death — Conclusion. 

1796. The friends of General Washington- ki.ew 
that it was his intention to decline being a candidate 
at the third election of President, and this was expect- 
ed by the publick. Warm solicitations were used to 
dissuade him from the intention, but his determination 
was fixed ; and nothing could change it, excepting a 



1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTOIS ICT 

crisis in the affairs of his country, which would rendei 
retirement inconsistent with his duty, and derogatorv 
to his character. 

In the possibility of such an event, his friends pre 
vailed with him to withhold the publick expression of 
his design until it should become necessary to direct 
the attention of the community to a successor. This 
silence alarmed the party opposed to his administra- 
tion. His personal influence at the head of govern- 
ment, they conceived, could alone defeat their plans, 
and prevent a revolution in the National Council! 
Since the ratification of the British treaty, they had 
laid aside the decorous language and exteriour respect, 
which they had, until that period, observed towards 
the President, and on this occasion they witli the ut- 
most virulence assailed his character. His merit as a 
soldier, and his wisdom and patriotism as a statesman, 
were denied ; and even his honour and honesty as a 
man were brought into question. Letters, forged and 
published in 1776, to injure his reputation as the Ge- 
neral in the revolutionary war, were at this time re- 
published as genuine, to excite prejudice against him. 
The queries, which he had confidentially proposed to 
the deliberation of his Cabinet, were laid before the 
publicK, with comments designed to show, that they 
indicated a deadly hostility to France. The queries 
could have come before the publick only b-^ a breach 
of confidence in some one of the Cabinet. Mr. Jeffer- 
son was disposed to prevent any suspicion from rest- 
ing on the mind of General Washington, that he was 
the dishonourable individual, and for this purpose he 
addressed a letter to him, to which the President gave 
the following reply. 

'' If I had entertained any suspicion before, that the 
queries which have been published in Bache's paper, 
proceeded from you, the assurances you have given of 
the contrary would have re'-ioved them ; but the truth 
is, I liarboured none. I am at no loss to conjecture 



J 



16S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179(>-g. 

from ^vhat source they flowed, through what channel 
they were conveyed, nor for what purpose they and 
sijnilar publications appear. 

" As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it 
would not be frank, candid, or friendly, to conceal that 
your conduct has been represented as derogating from 
that opinion I conceived you entertained of me ; that 
to your particular friends and connexions you have de- 
scribed, and they have denounced me, as a person 
under dangerous influence, and that if I would listen 
mure to some other opinions, all wouM be well. My 
answer has invariably been, that I had never dis- 
covered any thing in the conduct of Mr. Jefferson, 
to raise suspicions in my mind of his sincerity ; 
that if he would retrace my publick conduct while 
he was in the administration, abundant proofs would 
occur to him, that truth and right decisions were the 
sole objects of my pursuit ; that there were as many 
instances within his own knowledge, of my having 
decided against as in favour of the person evidently 
alluded to ; and moreover, that I was no believer in 
the infallibility of the politicks or measures of any 
man livmg. In short, that I was no party man myself, 
and thai the first wish of my heart was, if parties did 
exist, to reconcile them. 

'' To this I may add, and very truly, that until the 
last year or two, I had no conception that parties 
would, or even could go the lengths I have been wit- 
ness to ; nor did I believe until lately, that it was 
within the bounds of probability, hardly within those 
of possibility, that while I was using my utmost exer- 
tions to establish a national character of our own, in- 
dependent, as far as our obligations and justice would 
permit, of every nation of the earth ; and wished by 
steering a steady course to preserve this country from 
the horrours of a desolating war, I should be accused 
of being the enemy of one nation, and subject to the 
influence of another ; and to prove it, that every act 



I79G-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 169 

of mj adniinistration would be tortured, and the 
grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them 
be made, by giving one side only of a subject, atid that 
too in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could 
scarcely be applied to a Nero — to a notorious defaulter 
— or even to a common pickpocket. 

" But enough of this. I have already gone further 
in the expression of my feelings than 1 intended." 

General Washingto.v was also atrociously cha;ored 
with having unlawfully drawn money from the publi.k 
treasury for his private use. This charge was sup- 
ported by extracts from the books of the national trea- 
sury, and his enemies boasted that they had discover- 
ed an indelible blemish in his character ; but their 
triumph was only for a moment. The Secretary of 
the Treasury published a statement of facts, by which 
it clearly appeared that the money drawn by the or- 
ders of the President had in no year exceeded the ap- 
propriations for his salary. He received no publick 
money but for the support of his family, in some quar- 
ters of the year the receipts had overrun the amount 
due, and in others fallen short ; and that the President 
himself had no concern in the transaction, the busi 
neris having been conducted by a gcntlejiian who su 
pcrintended his houiJehold. The publick frowned hi3 
accusers into silence, and the weapon levelled against 
his reputation fell hmoxious to the ground. 

The Government of France was too well acquaint- 
ed with the number and the temper of their friends in 
♦Jie United States, to relinquish the plan formed to ob- 
tain a controlling influence in the administration of 
American affairs. Mr. Fauchet had made formal com- 
plaints against the measures of President Washingtc n. 
For a time his remonstrances were made in the Ian 
guage of decency and respect : but at the close of hia 
ministry, he descended to the reproachful manner of 
his predecessor. Mr. Adet arrived at Pliiladelphia, 
while the Senate were deliberating on the British 

Y3L. n. 15 



170 J.IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. 

treaty, and full comin-unications were made to him on 
tlie subject. Colonel Monroe was also furnished with 
documents, calculated to remove uneasiness from the 
minds of the French Directory respecting this transac- 
tion. But instead of communicating to the Directory 
the documents and reasonings of his government, v^^hile 
they were deliberating on this subject, and before they 
had committed themselves by any publick act, he re- 
served them as answers to complaints, that the go- 
vernment of France might make against the treaty with 
Great Britain. 

The President well knew that France had no just 
ground of complaint against the United States ; but 
he was apprehensive that her disappointment at the 
adjustment of a controversy which had long menaced 
war between Great Britain and America, would induce 
her to some act of violence. He therefore deemed it 
highly important, tliat there should be a Minister at 
i'ans, who fully entered into the views of the Ad- 
ministration. Not being perfectly satisfied with Mr. 
Monroe, he recalled him, and appointed as his successor, 
General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. The French 
having complained of most of the acts of the American 
Government, in relation to the powers at war, by order 
of the President these acts were carefully reviewed, a 
fair and minute detail of all points of difference be- 
tween the two nations given, and the measures f.f the 
Administration defended by unanswerable arguments. 
Upon this lucid and conclusive vindication of the 
measures of the Administration, the Presiaent relied to 
remove jealousy from the minds of the Directory, and 
restore the harmony of the two nations; but unhappily 
the party at home had taken their ground, and were 
not by any considerations to be moved from it, and 
supported by these, the French Directory were not 
disposed to recede. 

At the near approach of the period for the election 
of a President, it fully appeared, that General Wash 



1796-9] LIFJK OF WASHINGTON. 171 

iNGTos had not lost his hold on the affections and 
confidence oi'his countrymen. The publick sentiment 
every where indicated a determination to choose no 
man an elector, on whom implicit confidence could not 
be placed, to give his suffrage for General Wash- 
ington ; and it was satisfactorily ascertained, that 
should the General consent to be a candidate, he 
would for the third time be unanimously chosen IVe- 
sident of the United States. 

In this state of the publick mind, in the month of 
Septerr..ber he pubUshed the following address. 
" Friends anu fellow citizens, 

"The period for a new election of a citizen, to ad 
minister the Executive Government of the United 
States being not far distant, and the time actually 
arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in 
designating the person, who is to be clothed with that 
important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as 
it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the 
publick voice, that I should now apprize you of the 
resolution I have formed, to decline being considered 
among the number of those, out of whom a choice is 
to be made. 

" I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice 
to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, 
without a strict regard to all the considerations ap- 
pertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen 
to his country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender 
of service, which silence in my situation might imply, 
I am influenced by no diminution uf zeal for your 
future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect for 
your past kindness ; but am supported by a full con- 
viction that the step is compatible with l)oth. 

" The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the 
office to which your suffrages have twice called me, 
have been a uniform sacrifice of inchnation to the 
opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared 
to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would 



172 LIFE OF WAShiNGTO??. [1706 

have been much earlier in my power, consistently with 
motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to re* 
turn to that retirement, from which I had been reluc» 
tantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do 
this, previous to the last election, had even led to the 
preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but ma- 
t'J/e reflection on the tlien perplexed and critical pos- 
ture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unani 
mous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, iin 
pelled me to abandon the idea. 

"■ I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external 
as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit oi 
inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, 
or propriety ; and am persuaded whatever partiality 
may be retained for my services, that in the present 
circumstances of our country, yon v/ill not disapprove 
my determination to retire. 

" The impressions with which I first undertook the 
arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. 
In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that 1 
flave, with good intentions, contributed towards the 
organization and administration of the gcvernmcnt, 
the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment 
was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the 
inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own 
eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has 
strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself ; and 
every day the increasing weight of years admonishes 
me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as 
necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that 
if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my 
serv'ces, they were temporary, I have the consolation 
to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me 
to quit the political scene, patri.)tism does not forbid it. 

" In looking forward to the moment, which is to 
terminate the career of my publick life, my feelings 
do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledg- 
ment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my be 



1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173 

loved country, for the many honours it has conferred 
upon mo still more for the steadfast confidence with 
which it has supported me, and for the opportunities 
I have thence enpyed of manifesting my inviolable 
attachment, by services faithful and persevering, 
though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits 
have resulted to our country from these services, let 
it always be remembered to your praise, and as an in- 
structive example in our annals, that under circum- 
stances in which the passions, agitated in every direc- 
tion, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances some- 
times dubious — vicissitudes of fortune, often discou- 
raging — in situations, in which, not unfrequently, want 
of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism — 
the constancy of your support was the essential prop 
of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which 
they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this 
idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong 
incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may con- 
tinue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence — 
that your union and brotherly affection may be per- 
petual — that tlie free constitution, which is the work 
of yoar hands, maybe sacredly maintained -that its 
administration, in every department, may be stamped 
with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the happiness 
of the people of these states, under the auspices of 
liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a pre- 
servation, and so prudent a use, of this blessing, as 
will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to 
the applause, the affection, and the adoption, of every 
nation which is yet a stranger to it. 

" Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude 
for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, 
and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solici- 
tude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer 
to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to 
your i'requent review, some sentiments which arc the 
result of much reflection, of no incon.siderable observa- 



174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1796-9 

tion, and which appear to me all important to the per 
iiianency of your felicity as a people. These will be 
offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only 
see in tiiem, the disinterested warnings of a parting 
friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to 
bias his counsels. Nor can I forget, as an encourage- 
ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments 
on a former and not dissimilar occasion. 

" Interwoven as is the love of liberty with evfiry 
ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mmo 
is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

" The unity of government which constitutes you 
one people, is also dear to you. It is justly so, for it 
IS a main pillar in the edifice of your real independ- 
ence ; the support of your tranquillity at home ; your 
peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; 
of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, 
as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and 
from different quarters, much pains will be taken, 
many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the 
conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your 
political fortress, against which the batteries of inter- 
nal and external enemies will be most constantly and 
actively (though often covertly and insidiously) direct- 
ed ; it is of infinite moment that you should properly 
estimate the immense value of your national union, to 
your collective and individual happiness ; that you 
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable at- 
tachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and 
Bjjcak of it, as of the palladium of your political safety 
and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with 
jeiious anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may sug- 
gest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be 
abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first 
dajvning of every attempt to alienate any portion of 
our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which now link together the various parts, 

" For this you have every inducement of sympathy 



l79rH-9.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTOIS. J75 

and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a com 
mon country, that country has a right to concentrate 
your affections. The name of American, which be- 
longs to you, in your national capacity, must always 
exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any ap- 
pellation derived from local discriminations. With 
slight shades of difference, you have the same reli- 
gion, manners, habits, and political principles. You 
have., in a common cause, fought and triumphed to- 
gether ; the independence and liberty you possess are 
the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of com- 
mon dangers, sufferings, and successes. 

'^ But these considerations, however powerfully they 
address themselves to y our sensibility, are greatly 
outweighed by those which apply more immediately 
to your interest. Here every portion of our country 
finds the most commanding motives for carefully 
guarding and preserving the union of the whole. 

" The jYorth, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
South, protected by the equal la-.vs of a common go 
vernment, finds in the productions of the latter, great 
additional resources of maritime and commercial en- 
terprise, and precious materials of manufacturing in- 
dustry. The South, in the same intercourse, bene- 
fiting by the agency of the J^'orth, sees its agriculture 
grovvf, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into 
its own channels the seamen of the JVorth, it finds its 
particular navigation invigorated- — and while it con- 
tributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the 
general mass of the national navigation, it looks foi- 
ward 'o the protection of a maritime strength, to whir-.h 
itself is unequally adapted. 

"The East, in like intercourse with the /Ft-sf, already 
finds, and in the progressive improvement of interiour 
communications, by land and water, will more and 
more find a valuable vent for the commodities which 
it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The 
West derives from the East supplies requisite to its 



176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [170(;-D 

growth and comfort — and what is, perhaps, of still 
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure 
enjoyment of indispensable outlets, for its own produc- 
tions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime 
strength of the Atlantick side of the Union, directed 
by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. 
Any other tenure by which the IVcst can hold this es- 
sential advantage, whether derived from its own sepa- 
rate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural ccn- 
nexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically 
precarious. 

<' While then every part of our country thus feels an 
immediate and particular interest in union, all the 
parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass 
of means and eflbrts, greater strength, greater re- 
source, proportiojiably greater security from external 
danger — a less frequent interruption of their peace by 
foreign nations, and what is of inestimable value, they 
must derive from union an exemption from those broila 
and wars between themselves, which so frequently 
afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the 
same government ; which their own rivalships alone 
would be suflicient to produce, but which opposite fo- 
reign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimu- 
late and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid 
the necessity of those overgrown military establish- 
ments, which, under any form of government, are 
inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded 
as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this 
pense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as 
the main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the 
one ought to endear to you the preservation of the 
other. 

" These considerations speak a persuasive languao-e 
to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the 
continuance of the Union as a primary object of patri- 
oti'^k desire. Is there a doubt whether a common go- 
vernment can embrape «o larjre a sphere ? Let experi- 



1706-9.] LIFE or WASHINGTON. 177 

ence solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such 
a case were criinirial. We are authorized to hope that 
a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary 
agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, 
will aiford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well 
worth a fair and full experiment. Wi-th such power- 
ful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts 
of our country, while experience shall not have de- 
monttrated ltd impracticability, there will always bo 
reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any 
quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands. 

*' In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that 
any ground should have been furnisl;cd for character- 
izing parties, by geoifruphicul discriminations, Korth- 
ern and Soutkern, Mavttick and Western; whence de- 
Bio-nino" men may endeavour to excite a belief, that 
there is a real difference of local interests and views 
One of the expedients of party to acquire influence^ 
within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opi- 
nions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield 
yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart 
burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; 
they lend to render alien to each other those who 
ought to be bound together by fraternal affectioQ. 
The inhabitants of our western country have lately 
had a useful lesson on this head : they have seen in the 
negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous 
satisfaction by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain 
and in the universal satisfaction at that event through 
out the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded 
were the suspicions propagated among them, of a po- 
licy in the general government and in the Atlantick 
states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the 
Mississippi : they have been witnesses to the forma- 
tion of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that 
with Spain, which secure to them every thing they 
could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, to- 



178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1791j-9 

wards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be 
their wisdom to rely for tlie preservation of these ad- 
vantages on the Union, by which they were procured ? 
Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if 
such there are, who would sever them from their 
brethren, and connect them with aliens .'' 

" To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a 
government for the whole is indispensable. No al- 
liances, however strict, between the parts, can be an 
adequate substitute. They must inevitably experi- 
ence the infractions and interruptions which all al- 
liances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of 
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your 
first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Govern- 
ment, better calculated than your former for an inti- 
mate Union, and for the efficacious management of 
you-r common concerns. This government, the off- 
spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, 
adopted upon full investigation and mature delibera- 
tion, completely free in its principles, in the distribu- 
tion of its powers, uniting security vv^ith energy, and 
containing within itself a provision for its own amend- 
ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your 
support. Respect for its authority, compliance with 
its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties en- 
joined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. 
The basis of our political systems is, the riofht of the 
psople to make and to alter their constitution of govern 
ment. But the constitution which at any time exists, 
until changed by an explicit and authentick act of the 
whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The 
very idea of the power and the right of the people to 
establish government, presupposes the duty of every 
individual to obey the established government. 

" All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all 
combinations and associations, under whatever plausi- 
ble character, with the real design to direct, control, 
counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action 



I 



I 



1796-9.J LII'E OF WASHINGTON. 171) 

of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this 
fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They 
serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and 
extraordinary force, to put in the place of the dele- 
gated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a 
small, but artful and enterprising minority of the com 
m unity ; and, according to the alternate triumphs of 
different parties, to make the publick administration 
the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro- 
jects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent 
and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, 
and modified by mutual interests. 

*' However combinations or associations of the above 
description, may now and then answer popular ends, 
they are hkely, in the course of time and things, to 
become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, 
and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the 
power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the 
reins of government ; destroying, afterwards, the very 
engines which had lifted them to unjust dominion. 

" Towards the preservation of your government, and 
the permanency of your present happy state, it is re- 
quisite, not only that you steadily discountenance 
irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, 
but also that you resist, with care, the spirit of inno- 
vation upon its principles, however specious the pre- 
text. One method of assault may be to effect, in the 
forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair 
the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what 
cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to 
which you may be invited, remember that time and 
habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character 
of government, as of other human institutions ; that 
experience is the surest standard, by which to test the 
real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; 
that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hy- 
pothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, 
from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; 



180 LIFE OF ^VASHINGTON. [179G-'.} 

and remember, especially, that for the efficient manage 
ment of your common interests, in a country so ex 
tensive as ours, a government of as much vigour, as ii 
consistent with the perfect security of hberty, is indis- 
pensable. Liberty itselfwill find in such a government, 
with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its stirest 
guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where 
the government is too feeble to withstand the enter- 
prises of faction, to confine each member of the society 
within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain 
all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights 
of person and property. 

'• I have already intimated to you, the danger of 
parties in the state, with particular references to the 
founding of them on geographical discriminations. 
Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and 
warn you in the most solemn manner against the bane- 
ful effects of the spirit of party, generally. 

" This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from oui 
nature, having its root in tlte strongest passions of the 
human mind. It exisis under differ»^nt shapes, in all 
governments ; more or less stifled, controlled, or re- 
pressed ; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in 
its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst ene- 
my. 

*' The alternate domination of one faction over ano- 
ther, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to 
party dissension, which in different ages and countries 
has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a 
frightful despotism : but this leads at length to a more 
formal and permanent despotism. Th,» disorders and 
riiiseries which result, gradually incline the minds oi 
men to seek security and repose in the al solute power 
of an individual ; and sooner or later, the c'lief of some 
prevailing faction, more able or more fortinate than 
his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes 
of his own elevation, on the ruins of publick l.berty. 

" Without looking forward to an extremity of this 



179f.-9.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 

kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely 
out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of 
the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest 
and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. 
It serves always to distract the publick councils and 
enfeeble the publick administration. It agitates the 
community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms • 
kindles the animosity of one part against another, fo- 
ments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens 
the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find 
a facilitated access to the government itself through 
the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and 
the will of one country are subjected to the policy and 
will of another. 

" There is an opinion that parties in free countries 
are useful checks upon the administration of the go- 
vernment, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. 
This, witiiin certain limits, is probably true ; and in 
governments of araonarchical cast, patriotism may leok 
with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of 
party. But in those of the popular character, in go- 
vernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be en- 
couraged. From their natural tendency it is certain 
there will always be enough of that spirit for every 
salutary purpose ; and there being constant danger of 
excess, the effort ought to be b}'' force of publick opi- 
nion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be 
quenched, it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its 
bursting into a flame, lest instead of warming it should 
consume. 

" It is important likewise, that the habits of think 
ing, in a free country, should inspire caution in those 
intrusted with its administration, to confine them- 
selves within their respective constitutional spheres, 
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one depart- 
ment to encroach upon another. The spirit of en- 
croachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the 
departments in one, aud thus to create, whatever the 

Vol. II. W 



182 LIFE OF WASHINGTOIM. [1796-9 

form of government, a real despotism. A just estimatp 
of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which 
predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy 
us of the truth of this position. The necessity of re- 
ciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by 
dividing and distributing it into different depositories, 
and constituting each the guardian of the publick weal 
against invasions by the others, has been evinced by 
experiments ancient and modern ; some of them in 
our country and under our own eyes. I'o preserve 
them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, 
.n the opinion of the people, the distribution or modifi- 
cation of the constitutional powers be in any particular 
wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment, in the 
way which the Constitution designates : but let there 
be no change by usurpr>ticn ; f.r though this, in one 
instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the cus- 
tomary weapon by which free governments are de- 
stroyed. The precedent must always greatly over- 
balance in permanent evil any partial or transient be- 
nefit which the use can at any time yield. 

" Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to po- 
litical prosperity, religion and morality are indispensa- 
ble supports. In vain would that man claim the tri- 
bute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these 
great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props 
of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, 
equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to che- 
rish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions 
with private and publick felicity. Let it simply be 
asked, where is the security for property, for reputa- 
tion, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert 
the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in 
Courts of Justice ? And let us with caution indulge 
the supposition, that morality can be maintained with 
out religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influ- 
ence of refined education on minds of peculiar struc- 
ture, reason and experience both forbid us to expect 



170C-9.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 183 

that national morality can prevail in exclusion of reli- 
gious principle. 

" It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a 
necessary spring of popular government. The rule 
indeed extends with more or less force to every spe- 
cies of free government. Who that is a sincere friend 
to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake 
the foundation of the fabrick ? 

" Promote then, as an object of primary importance, 
mstitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In 
proportion as the structure of a government gives force 
to publick opinion, it is essential that publick opinion 
should be enlightened. 

" As a very important source of strength and secu- 
rity, cherish publick credit. One method of preserv 
ing it, is to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoidino- 
occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remem- 
bering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for 
danger, frequently prevent much greater disburse- 
ments to repel it : avoiding likewise the accumulation 
of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, 
but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to dis- 
charge the debts which unavoidable wars may have 
occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity 
the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The 
execution of these maxims belongs to your representa- 
tives, but it is necessary that publick opinion should 
cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of 
their duty, it is essential that you should practically 
bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there 
must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be 
taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not 
more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the 
intrinsick embarrassment inseparable from the selec- 
tion of the proper objects (which is always a choice of 
difHculties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid 
construction of the conduct of the government in mak- 
*^g it ; and for a spirit of acquiescence in the mea- 



184 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179G-9. 

Bures for obtaining revenue, which the publick exigen- 
cies may at any time dictate. 

" Observe good faith and justice towards all nations, 
cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and 
morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be, that good 
policy does not equally enjoin it .'' It will be worthy 
of a free, enlightensd, and (at no distant period) a 
great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and 
too novel example of a people always guided by an ex 
alted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt in the 
course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan 
would richly repay any temporary advantages which 
might be lost by a steady adherence to it .-' Can it be, 
that Providence has not connected the permanent fe- 
licity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, 
at least, is recommended by every sentiment which 
ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impos- 
sible by its vices ? 

" In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more 
essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies 
against particular nations, and passionate attachments 
for others should be excluded ; and that, in place of 
them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be 
cultivated. The nation which indulges towards ano- 
ther an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in 
some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or 
to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it 
astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one 
nation, against another, disposes each more readily to 
offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes (f 
umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when as- 
•lidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. 

'* Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, 
and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will 
and resentment, sometimes impels to war the govern- 
ment, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The 
government sometimes participates in the national pro- 
pensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason 



1706-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 18b 

would reject ; at other times, it makes the :inimosity 
of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, insti- 
gated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and perni- 
cious motives. The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, 
the liberty of nations has been the victim. 

'* So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation 
tor another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy 
for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an 
imaginary common interest, in cases where no real 
common interest exists, and infusing into one the en- 
mities of the other, betrays the former into a partici- 
pation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without 
adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to 
concessions to the favourite nation of privileges de- 
nied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation 
making the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting 
with what ought to have been retained ; and by excit- 
ing jealousy ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in 
the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld : 
and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citi- 
zens (who devote themselves to the favourite nation) 
facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own 
country, without odium, sometimes even with popu- 
larity ; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous 
sense of obligation, a commendable deference for pub- 
lick opinion, or a laudable zeal for publick good, the 
base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or 
infatuation. 

" As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable 
ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to 
the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How 
many opportunities do they afford to tamper with do- 
mestick factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to 
mislead publick opinion, to influence or awe the pub- 
lick councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, 
towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former 
to be the satellite of the latter. 

" Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence 
IC* 



186 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9 

(I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jea^ 
lousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake 
since history and experience prove that foreign influ 
ence is one of the most baneful foes of republican go 
vernment. But that jealousy to be useful must be 
impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very 
influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. 
Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and exces- 
sive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate 
to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and 
even second the arts of influence on the other. Real 
patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, 
are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its 
tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of 
the people, to surrender their interests. 

" The great rule of ct»iduct for us, in regard to fo- 
reign nations, is, in extending our commercial rela- 
tions, to have with them as little political connexion as 
possible. So far as we have already formed engage- 
ments, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. 
Here let us stop. 

" Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she 
must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes 
of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. 
Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate 
ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes 
of her politicks, or the ordinary combinations and col- 
lisions of her friendships, or enmities. 

" Our detached and distant situation invites i,nd en- 
ables us to pursue a different course. If we remain 
one people, under an efficient government, the period 
is not far off", when we may defy material injury from 
external annoyance ; when we may take such an atti- 
tude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time 
resolve upon, to be scrupiUously lespected ; when bel- 
ligerent nations, under the impossibility of making ac- 
quisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving 



1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 187 

us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war 
as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 
^ " Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa- 
tion .? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign 
ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that 
of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and pros- 
perity in the toils of European ambition, rivalsliip, in- 
terest, humour, or caprice ? 

" It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent 
alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, 
I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let mo 
'not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity 
to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less 
applicable to publick than to private aftairs, that ho- 
nesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, 
let those engagements be observed in their genuine 
sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and 
would be unwise to extend them. 

" Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable 
establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, 
we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extra- 
ordinary emergencies, 

*' Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all na- 
tions, are recommended by policy, humanity, and in- 
terest. But even our commercial policy should hold 
an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor 
granting exclusive favours or preferences ; consultino" 
the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversify- 
ing, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but 
forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed, 
in order to give trade a stable course, to define the 
rights of our merchants, and to enable the govern- 
ment to support them ; conventional rules of inter- 
course, the best that present circumstances and mutual 
opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be 
from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience 
and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping 
m view, that it is folly in one nation to l.->ok for disin- 



183 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179G-9 

terestod favours from another ; that it must pay, with 
a portion of its independence for whatever it may ac- 
«"ept under that character ; that by such acceptance, 
it may place itself in the condition of having given 
equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being re- 
proadiod with ingratitude for not giving more. There 
can be no greater errour than to expect, or calculate 
upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illu- 
sion which experience must cure, which a just pride 
ought to discard. 

" In offering to you, my countrymen, these coun- 
sels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope 
they will make the strong and lasting impression 1 
coulS wish ; that they will control the usual current 
of the passions, or prevent our nation from running 
the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of 
nations : but if I may even flatter myself that they 
may be productive of some partial benefit, some occa- 
sional good ; that they may now and then recur, to 
moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the 
mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the im- 
postures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a 
full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by 
which they have been dictated. 

" How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I 
have been guided by the principles which have been 
delineated, the publick records and other evidences of 
my conduct must witness to you and to the world. 
To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, 
that I have at least believed myself to be guided by 
them. 

'' In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, 
my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the in- 
dex to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, 
and by that of your Representatives in both Houses 
of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continual- 
ly governed me ; uninfluenced by any attempts lo de- 
ter or divert me from it. 



I70n-n.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 189 

" After deliberate examination with the aid of th» 
best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our 
country, under all the circumstances of the case, had 
a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to 
take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, 
as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with 
moderation, perseverance, and firmness. 

" The considerations which respect the right to 
nold this conduct, it is not necessary, on this occasion, 
to detail. I will only observe, that according to my 
understanding of the matter, tliat right, so far from 
being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has 
been virtually admitted by all. 

" The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in- 
ferred, without any thing more, from the obligation 
which justice and humanity impose on every nation, 
in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate 
the relations of peace and amity towards other nations 

'^ The inducements of interest for observing that 
conduct will best be referred to your own reflections 
and experience. With me, a predominant motive has 
been to endeavour to gain time to our country to set- 
tle and mature its yet recen^ institutions, and to pro- 
gress v/ithout interruption, to that degree of strength 
and consistency, which is necessary to give it, human- 
ly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 

" Though in reviewing the incidents of my adminis- 
tration, I am unconscious of intentional errour, I am 
nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it 
probable that I may have committed many errours. 
Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Al 
mighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they 
may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that 
my country will never cease to view them with indul- 
gence ; and that after forty-five years of my life dedi- 
cated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults ol 
incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as 
myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 



90 rjFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9 

" Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, 
and actuiited by that fervent love towards it, which is 
so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of 
himself and his progenitors for several generations ; 1 
anticipate with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in 
which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the 
sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fel- 
low citizens, the benign influence of good laws under 
a free government — the ever favourite object of my 
heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual 
cares, labours, and dangers." 

This Address to the people of the United States was 
received with the highest veneration and gratitude. 
Several of the State Legislatures ordered it to be put 
upon their journals, and every citizen considered it 
as the legacy of the most distinguished American 
Patriot. 

On the 7th of December, 1796, the President for 
the last time, met the National Legislature. In his 
Speech, after taking a view of the situation of the 
United States, he, regardless of opposition and can 
sure, recommended the attention of Congress to those 
measures which he deemed essential to national inde- 
pendence, honour, and prosperity. The first among 
these was the creation of a Navy. 

'' To an active external commerce, the protection 
of a naval force is indispensable. This is manifest 
with regard to wars in which a State is itself a party: 
but besides this, it is in our own experience, that the 
most sincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against 
the depredations of nations at war. To secure re- 
spect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organ- 
ized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggres- 
sion. This may even prevent the necessity of going 
to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from com- 
mitting such violations of the rights of the neutral 
party, as may first or last, leave no other option. 
From the best information I have been able to obtain, 



1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 191 

it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean, 
without a protecting force, will always be insecure ; 
and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which 
numbers of them have but just been relieved. 

" These considerations invite the United States 
1o look to the means, and to set about the gradual 
creation of a Navy. The increasing progress of their 
navigation promises them, at no distant period, the 
requisite supply of seamen ; and their means, in other 
respects, favour the undertaking. It is an encourage- 
ment, likewise, that their particular situation will give 
weight and influence to a moderate naval force in 
their hands. Will it not then be adviseable to begin 
without delay to provide and lay up materials for the 
building and equipping of ships of war ; and to pro- 
ceed in the work by degrees, in proportion as our re- 
sources shall render it practicable without inconve- 
nience ; so that a future war of Europe may not find 
our commerce in the same unprotected state in wliich 
it was found by the present." 

He proceeded to recommend those establishments 
for the manufacturing such articles as are necessary 
for the defence of the country, an institution for the 
improvement of agriculture, a Military Academy, and 
a National University. In reference to foreign powers, 
ne observed : 

" While in our external relations, some serious in- 
conveniences and embarrassments have been over- 
come, and others lessened, it is with much pain and 
deep regret I mention that circumstances, of a very 
unwelcome nature, have lately occurred. Our trade 
has suffered, and is suffering extensive injuries in the 
West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the 
French Republick ; and communications have been 



received from its minister here, wli 



idicate the 



dajiger of a further disturbance of our commerce by 
its authority ; and which are in other respects far frrm 
aorrecablc. 



ID2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9 

" It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, 
in conformity with that of our nation, to maintain 
cordial harmony, and a perfectly friendly understand- 
ing with that Republick. This wish remains unabated ; 
and I shall persevere in the endeavour to fulfil it to 
the utmost extent of what shall be consistent with a 
just and indispensable regard to the rights and honour 
of our country ; nor will I easily cease to cherish the 
expectation, that a spirit of justice, candour, and friend- 
ship, on the part of the Republick, will eventually en- 
ssure success. 

" In pursuing this course, however, I cannot forget 
what is due to the character of our government and 
nation ; or to a full and entire confidence in the good 
sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my 
countrymen." 

In the following manner, he concluded his Address. 

*' The situation in which I now stand, for the last 
time, in the midst of the representatives of the peo- 
ple of the United States, naturallj^ recalls the period 
when the administration of the present form of Go- 
vernment commenced ; and I cannot omit this occa- 
sion to congratulate you and my country on the suc- 
cess of the experiment ; nor to repeat my fervent 
supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, 
and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that his providential 
care may stiH be extended to the United States ; that 
the virtue and happiness of the people may be pre- 
served, and that the government which they have in- 
stituted for the protection of their liberties, may bo 
perpetual." 

The Senate in their reply approved the sentiments 
of the address, and, noticing the prosperity of the 
United States, they added, 

" Whilst contemplating the causes that produced 
this auspicious result, we must acknowledge the ex- 
cellence of the constitutional system, and the wisdom 
of the legislative provisions ; but we should be deficient 



1796-9] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 193 

in gratitude and justice, did we not attribute a great 
portion of these advantages to the virtue, firmness, and 
talents of your administration ; vv^hich have been con- 
spicuously displayed, in the most trying times, and on 
the mosi critical occasions ; it is therefore with tho 
sincerest regret, that we now receive an official notifi- 
cation of your intentions to retire from the public k 
employments of your country. 

" When we review the various scenes of your pub 
lick life, so long and so successfully devoted to the 
most arduous services, civil and military ; as well dur- 
ing the struggles of the American Revolution, as the 
convulsive periods of a recent date, we cannot look 
forward to your retirement without our warmest affec- 
tions and most anxious regards accompanying you ; 
and without mingling with our fellow citizens at large, 
in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness, 
that sensibility and attachment can express. 

" The most effectual consolation that can offer for 
the loss we are about to sustain, arises from the ani- 
mating reflection that the influence of your example 
will extend to your successors, and the United Stales 
thus continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energctick 
Administration." 

In the House of Representatives, an answer, which 
promised attention to the several subjects recommend- 
ed in the Speech, and concluded as follows, was after 
pointed objection and warm debate, voted by a large 
majority. 

" And while we entertain a grateful conviction that 
your wise, firm, and patriotick administration haa 
been signally conducive to the success of the present 
form of government, we cannot forbear to express the 
deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate 
your intended retirement from office. 

" As no other suitable occasion may occur, we caii- 
aot suffer the present to pass without attempting to 

Vol. II. 17 



194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9 

disclose some of the emotions which it cannot fail to 
awaken. 

*< The gratitude and admiration of your country- 
men are still drawn to the recollection of those re- 
splendent virtues and talents which were so eminently 
instrumental to the achievement of the Revolution, 
and of which that glorious event will ever be the me- 
morial. Your obedience to the voice of duty and your 
country, when you quitted reluctantly, a second time, 
the retreat you had chosen, and first accepted the Pre- 
sidency, afforded a new proof of the devotedness of 
your zeal in its service, and an earnest of the patriot- 
ism and success which have chaiacterized your Ad- 
ministration. As the grateful confidence of the citi- 
zens in the virtues of their Chief Magistrate has es- 
sentially contributed to that success, we persuade our- 
selves that the millions whom we represent, partici 
pate with us in the anxious solicitude of the present 
occasion. 

" Yet we cannot be unmindful that your moderation 
and magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from 
vour exalted stations, afford examples no less rare and 
instructive to mankind than valuable to a Republick. 

" Although we are sensible that this event, of itself, 
completes the lustre of a character already conspicu- 
ously unrivalled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, 
success, and publick estimation ; yet we conceive we 
owe it to you, sir., and still more emphatically to our- 
selves and to our nation, (of the language of whose 
hearts we presume to think ourselves, at this moment; 
the faithful interpreters) to express the sentiments 
with which it is contemplated. 

" The spectacle of a free and enlightened nation, 
offering by its Representatives the tribute of unfeign- 
ed approbation to its first citizen, however novel and 
interesting it may be, derives all its lustre (a lustre 
which accident or enthusiasm oculd not bestow, and 



1796-9.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. J'Jo 

which adulation would tarnish) from the transcendent 
merit, of which it is the voluntary testimony. 

" May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear 
to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear 
May your own virtue and a nation's prayers obtain 
the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days, 
and the choicest of future blessings. For our coun- 
try's sake, and for the sake of republican liberty, it is 
our earnest wish that your example may be the guide 
of your successors ; and thus, after being the orna- 
ment and safeguard of the present age, become the 
patrimony of our descendants " 

President Washington now with supreme delight 
anticipated the time when he should quit the storms 
and agitations of pubiick life, for the retirement of 
Mount Vernon ; anf* jn the day, which terminated his 
Presidential course, he directed the following letter to 
the Secretary of Stale 



" Dear Sir, 
" At the conc'/usion of my pubiick employments I 
have thought it expedient to notice the publication of 
certain forged letters which first appeared in the year 
1776, and were obtruded upon the pubiick as mine. 
They are said by the editor to have been found in a 
small portmanteau that I had left in the care of my 
mulatto servant named Billy, who it is pretended was 
taken prisoner at Fort Lee, in 1776. The period 
when these letters were first printed will be recollect- 
ed, and what were the impressions they were intended 
to produce on the pubiick mind. It was then supposed 
to be of some consequence to strike at the integrity of 
the motives of the American Commander in Chief, 
and to paint his inclinations as at variance with his 
professions and his duty — another crisis in the affairs 
of America having occurred, the same weapon has 
been resorted to, to wound my character and deceive 
the people. 



196 LIFE OF WASIIINGTOxN. [1796-9. 

" The letters in question have the dates, addresses, 
and signatures here following." 

" JVezo-York, June 12, 1776. 

" I'd Mr. Lund Washington, at Mount Vernon, 
Fairfax County, Virginia. G. W. 

'' June 18, 1776. 

" To John Park Custis, Esq. at the Hon. Bene- 
dict Calvert's, Esq. Mount Mry, Maryland. G. W. 
" mic- York July 8, 1776. 

" To Mr. Lund Washington, Mount Vernon, Fair- 
fax County, Virginia. G. W. 
'' JVeio-York, July 16, 1776. 

" To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W. 

'' JVeiD-York, July 15,1776. 

" To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W. 

" JVew- York, July 22, 1776. 

" To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W. 

" Jiine 24, 1776. 

" To Mrs. Washington. 

*' At the time when these letters first appeared, it 
was notorious to the army immediately under my com 
mand, and particularly to the gentlemen attached to 
my person, that my mulatto man Billy had never been 
ona moment in the power of the enemy. It is also a 
fact that no part of my baggage, or any of my at- 
tendants, were captured during the whole course of 
the war. These well knrwn facts made it unnecessa- 
ry, during the war, to cal the publick attention to the 
forgery, by any express declaration of mine ; and a 
firm reliance on my fellow citizens, and the abundant 
proofs they gave of their confidence in me, rendered it 
alike unnecessary to take any formal notice of the re- 
vival ofthe imposition, during my civil administration. 
But as I cannot know how soon a more serious event 
may succeed to that which will this day take place, I 
have thought it a duty that I owed to myself, to my 
country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances 
above recited, and to add my solemn declaration that 



l?JG-9.j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 197 

the letters herein described, are a base forgery, and 
that X never saw or heard of them until they appeared 
in print. The present letter I commit to your care, 
and desire it may be deposited in the office of the De- 
partment of State as a testimony of the truth to the 
present generation and to posterity." 

On the fourth of INIarch 17:)7, he attended the Inau- 
guration of his successor in office. Great sensibility 
was manifested by the members of '/ne Legislature 
and other distinguished characters, when he entered 
the Senate Chamber ;, and much admiration expressed, 
at the complacence and delight, he manifested at see- 
ing another clothed with the authority, with which he 
had himself been invested. 

Having paid his aifectionatc compliments to Mr. 
Adams as President of the United States, he bid adieu 
to the seat of government, and hastened to the de 
lights of domestick life. He intended that his jour 
ney should have been private, but the attempt was 
vain ; the same affectionate and respectful attentions 
were on this occasion paid him, which he had received 
during his Presidency. 

At the adoption of the Federal Constitution, foreign 
powers refused all negotiation with Congress, publick 
credit was lost, nor was any function of a living go- 
vernment performed. Under his own auspices. Gene- 
ral Washington saw a National Government firmly 
established, and the country rise to a state of strength 
and respectability ; controversies with foreign nations, 
which had long existed, and which involved the best 
mterests of the United States settled ; tlie resources 
of the country explored and brought into action ; the 
debts of the war funded, and credit restored, through 
all the ramifications of publick and private concerns ; 
the agriculture and commerce of ills country flourish- 
ing beyond example, and its capital doubled. 

One cloud only at this time obscured the political 
horizon of the United States. France had assumed a 
17" 



k 



198 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. 

threatening attitude ; but for tiie peace and safety of 
the country, the General confided in the patriotism 
of his fellow citizens, under the providence of Hea- 
ven. 

In the rejection of the American Envoys by the 
Court of France, in their menaces to the United 
States, and in the measures adopted under the ad- 
ministration of Mr. Adams, his feelings were deeply 
rnterested. When the indignities oC tlie Directory 
exceeded endurance, and the spirit of the American 
nation was roused to resistance, every eye was direct- 
ed to him as the Military leader. He might, without 
Jealousy, be placed at the head of a powerful army, 
ttrtd could bring into the field all the military strength 
Slid talents of the country. 

Colonel Hamilton in May 1798, intimated to him this 
universal expectation; to whom General Washing 
TON thus replied. 

" You may be assured that my mind is deeply im 
pressed with the present situation of publick afl:airs, 
and not a little agitated by the outrageous conduct of 
France toward? the United States, and at the inimica' 
conduct of those partisans who aid and abet her mea 
sures. You may believe further, from assurances 
equally sincere, that if there was any thing in my 
power to be done consistently, to avert or lessen the 
danger of the crisis, it should be rendered v/ilh hand 
^nd heart. 

" But, my dear Sir, dark as matters appear at pro 
sent, and expedient as it is to be prepared for the worst 
that can happen (and no man is more disposed to this 
measure than I am) I cannot make up my mind yet, 
for the expectation of open war ; or, in other words, 
for a formidable invasion by France. I cannot believe, 
although I think her capable of any thing, that she 
will attempt to do more than she has done. When 
she perceives the spirit and policy of this country 
>ising into resistance, and that she has falsely calulatfAl 



1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1P9 

upon support from a large part of the people to pro- 
mote her views and influence in it, she will desist even 
from these practices, unless unexpected events in Eu- 
rope, or the acquisition of Louisiana and the Floridas 
ehould induce her to contirme them. And I believe 
further, that although the leaders of their parly in 
this country will not change their sentiments, they 
will be obliged to change their plan, or the mode of 
carrying it on. The effervescence which is appearing 
in all quarters and the desertion of their followers, 
will frown them into silence, at least for a while. 

'' If I did not view^ things in this light, my mind 
would be infinitely more disquieted than it is : for, i^ 
a crisis should arrive when a sense of duty, or a call 
from n.-y country should become so imperious as to 
leave me no clioice, I should prepare for relinquish- 
ment, and go with as much reluctance from my present 
peaceful abode, as I should go to the tombs of my an- 
cestors." 

In June, President Adams wrote General Washing- 
ton a letter in which ho thus alluded to his again ap- 
pearing in a publick character. 

" In forming an army, whenever I must come to 
that extremity, I am at an immense loss whether to 
call out all the old Generals, or to appoint a young 
set. If the French come here, we must learn to march 
with a quick step, and to attack, for in that v/ay only 
they are said to be vulnerable. I must tax you some- 
times for advice. We must have your name, if you 
will, in any case, permit us to use it. There will bo 
more efficacy in it than in many an army." 

Four days after the Secretary of War addressed him 
■»n the following manner on the same subject. 

•'' May we Hatter ourselves that, in a crisis so awful 
and important, you will accept the command of all our 
armies ? I hope you will, because you alone can unite 
all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that tliey can 
be united." 



200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9 

To the President he thus replied. 
*' At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of 
these states by any European power, or tven the pro- 
babihty of such an event in my days, was so far from 
being contemplated by me, that I had no conception 
either that or any other occurrencs would arise, in so 
short a period, which could turn my eyes from the 
shades of Mount Vernon. But this seems to be the 
age of wonders. And it is reserved for intoxicated 
and lawless France (for purposes of providence far 
beyond the reach of human ken) to slaughter her own 
citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world be- 
sides. From a view of the past, from the prospect of 
the present, and of that which seems to be expected, 
it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the 
part it might best become me to act. In case of actu 
al invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should 
not entrench myself under the cover of age and re- 
tirement, if my services should be required by ray 
country to assist in repelling it. And if there be good 
cause to expect such an event, which certainly must 
be better known to the government than to private 
citizens, delay in preparing for it may be dangerous, 
improper, and not to be justified by prudence. The 
uncertainty however of the latter, in my mind, creates 
my embarrassment ; for I cannot bring it to beheve, 
regardless as the French are of treaties, and of the 
laws of nations, and capable as 1 conceive them to be 
of any species of despotism and injustice, that they 
w'U attempt to invade this country after such an uni- 
form and unequivocal expression of the determination 
of the people in all parts to oppose them with their 
lives and fortunes. That they have been led to be- 
lieve by their agents and partisans among us that we 
are a divided people, that the latter are opposed to 
their own government, and that the show of a small 
-> force would occasion a revolt, I have no doubt ; and 
how far those men (grown desperate) will further at 



179C-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201 

tempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the 
deception is problematical. Without that, the folly of 
the Directory in such an attempt would, I conceive, 
be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wickedness. 

" Having with candour made this disclosure of the 
state of my mind, it remains only for me to add, that 
to those who know me best, it is best known, that 
should imperious circumstances induce me to ex- 
change once more the smooth paths of retirement for 
the thorny ways of publick life, at a period too when 
repose is more congenial to nature, that it would be 
productive of sensations which can be more easily 
conceived than expressed." 

To the question of the Secretary of War, this was 
his answer. 

" It cannot be necessary for me to premise to you or 
to others who know my sentiments, that to quit the 
tranquillity of retirement, and enter the boundless 
field of responsibility, would be productive of sensa- 
tions which a better pen than I possess would find it 
difficult to describe. Nevertheless the principle by 
which my conduc'. has been actuated through life, 
would not suffer me, in any great emergency, to with- 
hold any services I could render when required by my 
country ; especially in a case where its dearest rights 
are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated power, 
in contempt of every principle of justice, and ^n vio- 
lation of solemn compacts, and of laws which govern 
all civilized nations ; and this too with the obvious in- 
tent to sow thick the seeds of disunion, for the purpose 
of subjugating our government, and destroying our in-^ 
dependence and happiness. 

" Under circumstances like these, accompanied by 
an actual invasion of our territory, it would be difficult 
for me at any time to remain an idle spectator under 
tlie plea of age or retirement. With sorrow, it is true, 
1 should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the 
ease and happiness I now enjoy, to encounter anew 



202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. 

the turmoils ol war, to which, possibly, my strength 
and powers might be found incompetent. These, how- 
ever, should not be stumbling blocks in my own way 
But there are other things highly important for me to 
ascertain and settle, before I could give a definitive 
answer to your question. 

" First, the propriety in the opinion of the publick, 
so far as that opinion has been expressed in conversa 
tion, of my appearing again on the publick theatre, af- 
ter declaring the sentiments I did in my valedictory 
address of September, 1796. 

" 2dly. A conviction in my own breast, from the 
best information that can be obtained, that it is the 
wish of my country that its military force should be 
committed to my charge ; and 

3dly. That the army now to be formed should be 
so appointed as to afford a well grounded hope of its 
doing honour to the country, and credit to him who 
commands it in the field." 

Before these letters had reached the seat of govern- 
ment, the President had nominated to the Senate, 
" General Washington to be Lieutenant General and 
Commander in Chief of the Armies raised and to be 
raised." The Secretary of War waited upon him with 
his commission, and with the following letter from the 
President. 

" Mr. M'Henry, the Secretary of War, will have 
the honour to wait on you in my behalf, to impart to 
you a step I have ventured to take, which I should 
have been happy to h^ve communicated in person, had 
^Ruch a journey at this time been in my power. 

" My reasons for this measure will be too well 
known to need any explanation to the publick. Every 
friend and every enemy of America will comprehend 
them at first blush. To you, sir, I owe all the apology 
I can make. The urgent necessity I am in of your 
advice and assistance, indeed of your conduct and di 
rection of the war, is all I can urge ; and that is a suf 



1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 203 

ficient justification to myself and to the world. I hope 
it will be so considered by yourself. Mr. M'Henry 
will have the honour to consult ycm upon the organi 
zation of the army, and upon every thing relating to it." 

With the order to wait on General WASHrNCToN, 
the Secretary of War received from President Adama 
the following instructions. 

" It is my desire that you embrace the first opportu 
nity to set out on your journey to Mount Vernon, and 
wait on General Washington with the commission of 
Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief of the 
armies of the United States, which, by the advice and 
consent of the Senate, has been signed by me. 

" The reasons and motives which prevailed on me 
to venture on such a step as the nomination of this 
great and illustrious character, whose voluntary resi-T- 
nation alone occasioned my introduction to the office I 
now hold, were too numerous to be detailed in this let- 
ter, and are too obvious and important to escape the 
observation of any part of America or Europe. But as 
it is a movement of great delicacy, it v/i!l require all 
your address to communicate the subject in a manner 
that shall be inoffensive to his feelings, and consistent 
with all the respect that is due from me to him. 

" If the General should decline the appointment, all 
the world will be silent, and respectfully acquiesce. 
If he should accept it, all tLe world, except the ene- 
mies of this country, will rejoice. If he should come 
to no decisive determination, but take the subject into 
consideration, I shall not appoint any other Lieutenant 
Genera) until his conclusion is known." 

The (general opened himself explicitly to the Secre- 
tary of War, and by him returned the following an- 
swer to the President's communication. 

" I had the honour, on the evening of the llth in- 
stant, to receive from the hands of the Secretary of 
War your favour of the 7th, announcing that you hid, 
with the advice and consent of tho Senate, appointed 



204 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. J:i7f)6-9 

me Lieutenant General and Commander m Chief of 
the Armies raised, or to be raised for the service of the 
United States. 

" I cannot express how greatly affected I am at this 
new proof of publick confidence, and at the highly 
flattering manner in which you have been fjeascd to 
make the communication. At the same time, I must 
not conceal from you my earnest wish that the choice 
had fallen upon a man less declined in years, and bet- 
ter qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war. 
" You know, sir, what calculations I had made rela- 
tive to the probable course of events on ray retiring 
from ofiace, and the determination, with which I had 
consoled myself of closing the remnant of my days m 
my present peaceful abode. You will therefore be at 
no loss to conceive and appreciate the sensations I 
must have experienced, to bring my mind to any con- 
clusion that would pledge me at so late a period of life, 
to leave scenes I sincerely love, to enter upon the 
boundless field of publick action, incessant trouble, and 
high responsibility. 

'' It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, 
or indifferent to recent transactions. The conduct of 
the Directory of France towards our country ; their 
, insidious hostility to its government ; their various 
\ practices to withdraw the affections of the people from 
\ it ; the evident tendency of their arts, and those of 
4 their agents, to countenance and invigorate opposition ; 
ft their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of na- 
/' tions ; their war upon our defenceless commerce ; 
: their treatment of our Ministers of peace ; and their 
demands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite 
in me, sentiments corresponding with those my coun- 
trymen have so generally expressed in their affection- 
ate addresses to you. 

" Believe me, sir, no man can more cordially ap- 
prove the wise and prudent measures of your Adminis- 
tration. They ought to inspire universal confidence, 



1796-9.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 205 

and will, no doubt, combined with the state of things, 
call from Congress such laws and means as wnl enable 
you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis. 

" Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wish 
ed and endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted to the 
last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can, with pure 
hearts, appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause, 
and may confidently trust the final result, to that kind 
Providence who has heretofore, and so often, signally 
favoured the people of the United States. 

" Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incum- 
bent it is upon every person of every description to 
contribute, at all times, to his country's welfare, and 
especially in a moment like the present, when every 
thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threaten- 
ed, I have finally determined to accept the commission 
of Commander in Chief of the Armies of the United 
States, with the reserve only, that I shall not be called 
into the field until the army is in a situation to require 
my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the ur- 
gency of circumstances. 

" In making this reservation, I beg it to be under- 
stood that I do not mean to withhold any assistance to 
arrange and organize the army, v/hich you may think 
I can afford. I take the libert}' also to mention that I 
must decline having my acceptance considered as 
drawing after it any immediate charge upon the publick, 
or that I can receive any emoluments annexed to the 
appointment before I am in a situation to incur ex- 
pense." 

From this period the domestick employments of Ge- 
neral Washington were blended with the concerns 
of his publick commission ; but he did not apprehend 
that France would push her aggressions to actual 
war. He conceived that the object of the Directory 
was to subject the Government of the United States 
to their measures, either through fear of war, or by 
the controlling influence of the people. 

Vol. II. 18 



206 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1796-9 

It was the settled opinion of the General, that the 
great body of the American people were actuated by 
the love of country, and only needed informalirn re- 
specting the measures of government to induce them 
to support it. In the patriotick spirit, excited in 1798, 
he contemplated a resource, which might at all times 
be relied upon to repel foreign aggressions, and on this 
occasion he confidently expectf.d that France would 
recede from her insolent pretensions. 

But he did not live to see the fulfilment of his pre- 
dictions. On Friday, December 13, 1799, while su- 
perintending some improvements on his estate, he was 
out in a light rain, which wet his neck and hair. The 
occurrence commanded no immediate attention, but 
in the course of the ensuing night he was seized with 
an inflammation of the wind pipe. The complaint 
was accompanied with difficulty in swallowing, and 
■with a quick and laborious respiration. 

Conceiving that bleeding would be salutary, a vein 
was opened by one accustomed to the use of the lancet, 
and fourteen ounces of blood taken from him ; but he 
could not be persuaded to send for his physician until 
the morning. About 11 o'clock, on Saturday, Dr. Craik 
arrived, and perceiving his extreme danger, desired 
the advice of two consulting physicians ; but their aid, 
in this case, was unavailing. Speaking soon became 
painful, and respiration contracted and imperfect, and 
at half past eleven on Saturday night, December 14, 
in the full possession of reason, he expired. 

From the moment of attack, he believed the disease 
would prove mortal, and submitted to medical aid 
jrather to gratify the wishes of his anxious friends, than 
from any expectation of relief. Some hours before 
death, with extreme difficulty, he intelligibly expressed 
a desire that he might be permitted to die without 
fiirther disturbance. When he could no longer swal- 
low, he undressed himself and got into bed, there to 
await bis dissolution Dr Craik took the head of hia 



179(>-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 

beloved and respected friend in his lap, to wnoin the 
General said, " Doctor, I am dying, and have been 
dying for a long time, but I am not afraid to die." 
With fortitude he bore the painful conflict, and with 
perfect serenity resigned himself to his God. 

His interment on Wednesday, the 18th of Decem- 
ber, was attended by religious services, and military 
honours ; and a great concourse of people followed his 
hearse, as undissembled mourners. 

The report of the death of General Washington 
reached the seat of Government before the information 
of his sickness. It excited the highest sensibility in 
the members of Congress, and overwhelmed them with 
affliction. A solemn silence prevailed in the House of 
Representatives for several minutes. At length Mr. 
Marshall, the present Chief Justice of the United 
States, mentioned the melancholy information. '' This 
information is not certain," he observed, " but there is 
too much reason to believe it true. After receiving 
intelligence," he added, " of a national calamity so 
heavy and afflicting, the House of Representatives can 
be but ill fitted for publick business." In consequence, 
both Houses adjourned. 

On opening the House the next morning, Mr. Mar 
shall addressed the Chair in the following manner. 

" The melancholy event which was yesterday an 
nounced with doubt, ha? been rendered but too certain 
Our Washington is no more ! The Hero, the Patriot, 
and the Sage of America — the man on whom, in times 
of danger, every eye was turned, and all hopes were 
placed, lives now only in his own great actions, and in 
the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. 

" If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify 
respect for the memory of those whom Heaven has 
selected as its instruments for dispensing good to man, 
yet, such has been the uncommon worth, and such the 
extraordinary incidents which have marked the life of 
him whose loss we all deplore., that \h(^ whole Amen 



208 LIFE OF WASHING TOiN. [1796-9 

can nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call, 
with one voice, for apublick manifestation of that sor 
row which is so deep and so universal. 

" More than any other individual, and as much as to 
one individual was possible, has he contributed to found 
this our wide spreading empire, and to give to the 
Western World, independence and freedom. 

" Having effected the great object for which he was 
placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him 
convert the sword into the ploughshare, and sink the 
soldier into the citizen. 

*' When the debility of our Federal System had be- 
come manifest, and the bonds which connected this 
vast Continent were dissolving, we have seen him, the 
Chief of those Patriots who formed for us a Constitu- 
tion, which, by preserving the Union, will, I trust, 
substantiate and perpetuate those blessings which our 
Revolution had promised to bestow. 

" In obedience to the general voice of his country, 
calling him to preside over a great people, we have 
seen him once more quit the retirement he loved, and 
in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war it- 
self, with calm and wise determination, pursue the 
true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than 
any other could contribute, to the establishment of that 
system of policy, which will, I trust, yet preserve our 
peace, our honour, and independence. 

" Having twice been unanimously chosen the Chief 
Magistrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a 
time when his re-election with universal suffrage could 
not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of 
moderation, by withdrawing from his high station to 
the peaceful walks of private life. 

" However the publick confidence may change, and 
the publick affections fluctuate with respect to others, 
with respect to him, they have, in war and in peace, in 
publick and in private life, been as steady as his own 
firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues 



1796-9.] l^IFE OF WASHINGTON. 209 

" Let us then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last trioute of 
respect and affection to our departed friend. Let the 
Grand Council of the nation display those sentiments 
which the nation feels. For this purpose I hold in my 
hand some resolutions which I take the liberty of offer- 
ing to the House." 

The resolutions, after stating the death of General 
Washington, were as follows. 

" Resolved, That this House will wait on the Preei- 
dent in condolence of this mournful event. 

" Resolved, That the Speaker's chair be shrouded 
with black, and that the members and officers of the 
House wear black during the session. 

" Resolved, That a Committee in conjunction with 
one from the Senate, be appointed to consider on the 
most suitable manner of paying honour to the memory 
of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the 
hearts of his fellow citizens." 

These resolutions had no sooner passed, than a writ- 
ten message was received from the President, trans- 
mitting a letter from Mr. Lear, ^' which," said the 
message, " will inform you that it had pleased Divine 
Providence to remove from this life our excellent fel 
low citizen, George Washington, by the purity of 
his life, and a long series of services to his country, 
rendered illustrious througn the world. It remains 
for an affectionate and grateful people, in whose hearts 
he can never die, to pay suitable honour to his memory." 

On this mournful event, the Senate addressed to the 
President the following letter. 

" The Senate of the United States respectfully take 
leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the 
loss their country sustains in the death of General 
GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

" This event, so distressing to all our fellow citizens, 

must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been 

associated with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit 

us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours On this occa 

18* 



210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179G-9 

sion it is manly to weep. To lose such a man, at such 
a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. Our 
country mourns a Father. The Almighty Disposer of 
human events has taken from us our greatest benefac- 
tor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with re- 
verence to HIM who '' maketh darkness his pavilion." 
" With patriotick pride we review the life of oui 
WASHINGTON, and compare him with those of 
other countries who have been pre-eminent in fame. 
Ancient and modern names are diminished before him. 
Greatness and guilt have too often been allied; but 
his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroyers of 
nations stood abashed at the majesty o£ his virtues. It 
reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and dark- 
ened the splendour of victory. The scene is closed, and 
we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully 
his glory ; he has travelled on to the end of his journey, 
and carried with him an increasing weight of honour ; 
he has deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tar- 
nish it ; where maace cannot blast it. Favoured of 
heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness 
of humanity ; magnanimous in death, the darkness of 
the grave could not obscure his brightness. 

'* Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to 
God, his glory is consummated. Washington yet 
lives on Earth in his spotless example — His spirit is in 
Heaven. 

'•' Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the 
heroick General, the patriotick Statesman, and the 
virtuous Sage. Let them teach their children never 
to forget that the fruits of his labours and his example 
are their inherita7ice." 

To whi'^.h the President made the following answer. 
•• I receive, with the most respectful and affectionate 
sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging ex- 
pressions ot your regret for the loss our country has 
sustained, in the death of lier most esteomcd, beloved, 
and admired citizen. 



1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21J 

" In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections 
on this melancholy event, you will permit me to say 
that I have seen him in the days of adversity, in some 
of the scenes of his deepest distress, and most trying 
perplexities. I have also attended him in his high- 
est elevation, and most prosperous felicity, with uni- 
form admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and con- 
stancy. 

" Among all our original associates in that memora 
ble league of this Continent in 1774, which first ex- 
pressed the sovereign will of a free nation in Ameri- 
ca, he was the only one remaining in the general go- 
vernment. Although with a cojistitation more enfee- 
bled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary 
to prepare for retirement, 1 feel myself alone, bereaved 
of my last brother ; yet I derive a strong consolation 
from the unanimous disposition which appears in all 
ages and classes to mingle their sorrows with mine on 
this common calamity to the world. 

" The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a com- 
parison with those of other countries, who have been 
most celebrated and exalted by fame. The attributes 
and decorations of royalty could only have served to 
eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him 
from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent lumi- 
nary. Misfortune, had he lived, could Iiereafter have 
sullied his glory only with those superficial minds, 
who, believing that characters and actions are marked 
by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice 
could never blast his honour, and envy made him a 
singular exception to her universal rule. For himself, 
he had lived long enough to life and to glory. For hia 
fellow citizens, if their prayers could have been an 
S'vered, he would have been immortal ; for me, hi.% 
departure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trust- 
ing, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of 
Providence over the passions of men, and the results 



212 L[FE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9 

of their councils and actions, as well as over their hvee, 
nothing remains for me but Jaimble resignation. 

*' His example is now complete ; and it will teach 
wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, 
not only in the present age, but in future generations, 
as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found 
a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biogra 
phers, eulogists, or historians." 

A joint committee of the two Houses reported the 
following resolutions. 

" That a marble monument be erected by the United 
States at the city of Washington, and that the family 
of General Washington be requested to permit his 
body to be deposited under it ; and that the monument 
be so designed as to commemorate the great events of 
his military and political life. 

'' That tiiere be a funeral procession from Congress 
Hall to the German Lutheran Church, in memory of 
General Washington, on Thursday the 26th instant, 
and that an oration be prepared at the request of Con- 
gress, to be delivered before both Houses on that day ; 
and that the President of the Senate and Speaker of 
the House of Representatives, be desired to request 
one of the members of Congress to prepare and de- 
liver the same. 

" That it be recommended to the people of the 
United States to wear crape on the left arm as mourn 
ing for thirty days 

" That the President of the United States be re 
quested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be 
transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the 
profound respect Congress will ever bear to her per- 
son and character, of their condolence on the late af- 
ecting dispensation of Providence, and entreating 
her assent to the interment of the remains of Generai 
Washington in the manner expressed in the first reso- 
lution. 



179G-9.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 213 

" That the President be requested to issue liis Pro- 
clamation, notifying to the people throughout the 
United States the recommendation contained in the 
third resolution." 

The President transmitted the resolutions of Con- 
gress to Mrs. Washington, to which she thus replied. 

*• Taught by the great example which I have so 
long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes 
to the publick will, I must csnsentto the request made 
by Congress^ which you have had the goodness to 
transmit to me ; and in doing this, I need not, 1 cannot 
say, v/hat a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a 
sense of duty." 

Information of the death of General Washington 
was, throughout the United States, accompanied by 
spontaneous and universal expressions of deep grief 
for his loss, and of the highest veneration for his 
memory. The citizens without exception complied 
with the recommendations of Congress. Civil Incor- 
porations and Legislative Bodies, Colleges and all 
other respectable Societies, formed funeral processions, 
and attended upon prayers, eulogies, and orations. 

The resolution of Congress respecting the monu- 
ment has not been carried irto execution. When a 
motion for the necessary appropriation was made in 
the House of Representatives, many members mani- 
fested a preference for an Equestrian Statue, voted by 
Congress at the close of the v/ar, and in the dispute 
between a monument and a statue, the session of the 
Legislature passed away, and no appropriation was 
made. 

They, who had opposed every part of his adminis- 
tration, probably could not in sincerity favour a Na- 
tional Monument to his memory ; and when the sub- 
ject was revived in Congress, the publick feelings, 
having in some measure subsided, they opposed ary 
appropriation for this purpose, as an improper use of 
publick money. The reason assigned for objecting to 



214 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 

the measure was, that the gratitude and veneration of 
the people were the appropriate monument of the pub- 
lick services of the American Patriot. 

General Washington never had any children. By 
his will he le-fl Mrs. Washington the use of all his 
property during her life. At her decease he liberated 
his slaves, and disposed of property among his and her 
relations, amounting by his own estimate, to five hun- 
dred and thirty thousand dollars. This amount of 
property does not include the Mansion House on 
Mount Vernon, nor the domain connected with it, 
which was under the personal management of Gene- 
ral Washington. 



CONCLUSION. 

General Washington was exactly six feet in 
height, he appeared taller, as his shoulders rose a little 
higher than the true proportion. His eyes were of a 
gray, and his hair of a brown colour. His limbs were 
well formed, and indicated strength. His complexion 
was light, and his countenance serene and though',;ful. 

His manners were graceful, manly, and digniried. 
His general appearance never failed to engage the re- 
spect and esteem of all who approached him. 

Possessing strong natural passions, and having the 
nicest feelings of honour, he was in early life prone 
keenly to resent practices which carried the intention 
of abuse or insult ; but the reflections of maturer age 
gave him the most perfect government of himself. 
He possessed a faculty above all other men to hide the 
weaknesses inseparable from human nature ; and he 
bore with meekness and equanimity his distinguished 
honours. 

Reserved, but not haughty, in his disposition, he 
was accessible to all in concerns of busaness, but he 



LIFE Ol WASHliNGTON 215 

opened himself only to his confidential friends ; and 
no art or address could draw from him an opinion, 
which he thought prudent to conceal. 

He was not so much distinguished for brilliancy of 
genius as for solidity of judgment, and consummate 
prudence of conduct. He was not so eminent for any 
one quality of greatness and worth, as for the union 
of those great, amiable, and good qualities, which ara 
very rarely combined in the same character. 

His maxims were formed upon the result of mature 
reflection, or extensive experience ; they were the in- 
variable rules of his practice ; and on all important in- 
stances, he seemed to have an intuitive viev/ of what 
the occasion rendered fit and proper. He pursued his 
purposes with a resolution, which, one solitary mo- 
ment excepted, never failed him.* 

Alive to social pleasures, he delighted to enter into 
familiar conversation with his acquaintance, and was 
sometimes sportive in his letters to his friends ; but he 
never lost sight of the dignity of his character, nor 
deviated from the decorous and appropriate behaviour 
becoming his station in society. 

He commanded from all the most respectful atten- 
tion, and no man in his company ever fell into hght or 
lewd conversation. His style of living corresponded 
with his wealth ; but his extensive establishment waa 
managed with the strictest economy, and he ever re- 
served ample funds liberally to promote schemes of 
private benevolence, and works of publick utility. 
Punctual himself to every engagement, he exacted 
from others a strict fulfilment of contracts, but to the 
necessitous he v;as diffusive in his charities, and he 
greatly assisted the poorer classes of people in his vi- 
cinity, by furnishing them with means successfully to 
prosecute plans of industry. 

In domestick and private life, he blended the autho- 
* Ou York Island, in 1776.— See Vol. I. page 87 



216 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 

rity of the master with the care and kmdness of the 
guardian and friend. Solicitous for the welfare of iiis 
slaves, while at mount Vernon, he every morning rode 
round his estates to examine their condition ; for the 
sick, physicians were provided, and to the weak and 
infirm every necessary comfort was administered. 
The servitude of the negroes lay with weight upon 
'lis mind ; he often made it the subject of conversaiion, 
*nd resolved several plans for their general emancipa- 
tion ; but could devise none, which promised success, 
in consistency with humanity to them, and safety to 
the state. 

Tiie address presented to him at Alexandria, on the 
commencement of his presidency, fully shows how 
much he was endeared to his neighbours, and the af- 
fection and esteem, in which his friends held his pri- 
vate character. 

His industry was unremitted, and his method so 
exact, that all the complicated business of his military 
command, and civil administration, was managed 
without confusion, and without hurry. 

Not feeling the lust of power, and ambitious only 
for honourable fame, he devoted himself to his country 
upon the most disinterested principles ; and his actions 
wore not the semblance but the reality of virtue : the 
purity of his motives was accredited, and absolute «on- 
fidence placed in his patriotism. 

While filling a publick station, the performance of 
his duty took the place of pleasure, emolument, and 
every private consideration. During the more critical 
years of the war, a smile was scarcely seen upon his 
countenance, he gave hiirself no moments of relaxa- 
tion ; but his v/liole mind was engrossed to execute 
successfully his trust. 

As a military commander, he struggled with innu- 
merable embarrassments, arising from the short enlist- 
ment of his men, and from the vvant of provisions, 



LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 217 

clothing, arms, and ammunition ; and an opinioir. if his 
achievements should be formed in view of these in- 
adequate means. 

The first years of his civil administration were at- 
tended with the extraordinary fact, that while a great 
proportion of his countrymen did not approve iiis 
measures, they universally venerated his character, 
and relied implicitly on his integrity. Altho'igh his 
opponents eventually deemed it expedient to vilify his 
character, tnat they might diminish his political influ- 
ence ; yet the moment that he retired from publick 
life- they returned to their expressions of veneration 
and sstcem ; and after his death, used every endeavour 
to secure to their party the influence of his name. 

He was as eminent for piety as for patriotism. His 
publick and private conduct evince, that he impres- 
sively felt a sejise of the superintendence of God and 
of the dependence of man. In his addresses, while at 
the head of the army, and of the national government, 
he gratefully noticed the signal blessings of Providence, 
and fervently commended his country to divine b^no 
diction. In private, he was known to have been ha- 
bitually devout. 

In principle and practice he was a Christ Ian. Th? 
support of an Episcopal church, in the vicinity of 
Mount Vernon, rested principally upon him, and hori). 
v/hen on his estate, he with constancy attended pub- 
lick worship. In his address to the American people, 
at the close of the war, mentioning the favourable pe- 
riod of the world at which the independence of h!s 
country was established, and enumerating the causes 
v.'hich unitedly had ameliorated the condition oi hu- 
man society, he, above science, philosophy, commerce, 
and all other considerations, ranked " the pvre and be- 
nign light of Revelation." Suppli/^ating Heaven that 
his fellow citizens might cultivate the disposition, and 
practise the virtues, which exalt a cunimunity, he pre- 
sented the following petition to his G»td That he 

Vo- II. 11) 



^}}- 



218 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 

would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do 
justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with 
Liat charity, humility and pacifick temper r*" mind, 
\ihich were the cliaracteristicks of the Divku Author 
of aar blessed religion ; without a humble imitation 
of whoso example in these things, we can never hope, 
to be a happy nation." 

During the war, he not unfre«iuently rode ten or 
twelve miles from camp to attend publick worship ; 
and he never omitted this attendance, when opportuni- 
ty presented. 

In the establishment of his presidential household, 
he reserved to himself the Sabbath, free from the in- 
terruptions of private visits, or publick business j and 
throughout the eight years of his civil administration, 
i e gave to the institutions of Christianity the influence 
of his example. 

He was as fortunate as great and good. 

Under his auspices, a civil war was conducted with 
mildness, and a revolution with order. Raised him- 
self above the influence of popular passions, he happi- 
ly directed these passions to the most useful purposes. 
Uniting the talents of the soldier with the qualifica- 
tions of the statesman, and puisuifng, unmoved by 
difHculties, the noblest end by the purest means, ho 
had the supreme satisfaction of beholding the com- 
phtc success of his great military and civil services, 
in tlio independeiice and happiness of his country 

END OF VOLUME II. 



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